State terrorism, people's democracy

By Mohamed El-Sayed Said *

The activities of these committees include drawing up lists of suspects, combating any expression of terrorism or "violence", imposing security measures, declaring war on "terrorist" organisations, developing a programme of action against these organisations and their infrastructure, cooperating to exchange security information, training security personnel, preventing agitation, and suppressing any expression of any form of violence. Just listing the items, issues, and committees pertinent to security in this accord is exhausting. What about the people who will bear the weight of this vast apparatus?

One thing is certain. Palestinians cannot rely on the human rights rhetoric in the text of the accord, simply because the real goal of the accord is to deny Palestinians essential human rights and to fragment their national unity. Nor can we rely on the endurance of the Palestinian people. Kafka never had to suffer such ignominy.

Neither the Palestinians nor any other nation could possibly live within this gigantic surveillance machine. It is simply destined to wither away or disintegrate. But if we consent to patiently await its collapse, when it crumbles it will take with it the dignity, freedom and the very humanity of the Palestinian people. Something has to be done to liberate the Palestinians from the suffocating consequences of the very presence of such an odd and incredible set-up. Theoretically, there are two possible ways out of the dilemma posed by this accord and the gigantic security apparatus it has spawned.

The first possibility is for the Palestinian people to launch a wholesale offensive against the accord, with the intention of making it null and void. People can shake the bars of this prison if they rise up together and do exactly what this system is set up to prevent: launch a new Intifada in opposition to the trilateral oppression to which they are subjected.

The second option is simply to move toward establishing a truly democratic system of government in the Occupied Territories. A true revolution would be difficult, and not necessarily desirable, at this point. In the first place, a new Intifada will have to challenge not only Israel and its American allies, but also, more importantly the PA. In practice, a new Intifada may push Palestinian society into the abyss of civil war. This is not because the PA's security regime is invincible. Indeed, all sectors of Palestinian society, including the lower ranks of the security apparatus, are outraged. A civil war scenario, rather, is likely because Palestinian society is still highly partisan, and is currently crossing an important threshold where partisan loyalties are easy to mobilise.

On the other hand, the Palestinians are exhausted, both morally and materially. They are humiliated and infuriated, but they also need stability and some relief from the economic and social stranglehold in which they live. When people are driven by contradictory motivations, such as anger and the need to survive, collective protest cannot develop into a true revolution. It is more likely to burst out in intermittent bouts of unadulterated violence. This scenario, therefore, is likely to result in violent disintegration, rather than revolution and transformation.

A better approach would be to bring together all social forces in a struggle for the democratisation of the political system. Is this possible under the tripartite tutelage and domination of the people of the West Bank and Gaza Strip? Yes.

In theory, democratisation can stem the wave of terror unleashed by the Wye Plantation Accord and its security regime. As a first step towards this end, new and truly democratic legislation on the mandate, immunities and independence of the judiciary could drastically minimise the destructive implications of Palestinian security commitments in the accord. If persons such as those designated for arrest on charges of killing Israelis are confident that their right to a fair trial is secured, and if organisations such as Hamas are sure that they will have the protection of the judiciary in their own country, they will certainly not risk clashing with the PA. If the Palestinian people feel they live under the rule of law, they need not fear the constant surveillance of their lives by the tripartite security machine. At least they will not live in constant, unmitigated terror.

The advantage of this scenario is that neither the Israelis nor the Americans dare object to democratisation and transition to the rule of law in Palestine. Indeed, their real aim is to push Palestinian society to destruction on the hands of what they know to be an arbitrary and despotic government. This government can surprise them by moving toward democratic rule and power-sharing. This may seem implausible, but is, in fact, possible and even likely, simply because this government has no chance for survival without such a transition. This is one of the rare moments in which democracy is in the interest of all Palestinians. If this moment is wasted, God only knows what the future will be like for Palestine and the Palestinians.

Transition to the rule of law and democracy requires far more than legislation, however. A negotiated resolution of the crisis besetting the Palestinian national community is central to countering Israeli domination. Persuading the militant opposition to come to terms with reality is essential. It may be possible within a new strategy of national liberation, in which violence may be abandoned, but political struggle and activism is strengthened and broadened. Moving the militant opposition from purely military organisation to political representation is the cornerstone of this strategy. This move appears difficult; previous attempts have met with failure. The present dilemma, however, is a chance for a new attempt. In fact, this is the approach instinctively taken up by certain members of the Palestinian Legislative Council and representatives of civil society.

Supporters and sympathisers around the world must take action on these points now. These supporters can and should play a crucial role in defending human rights in Palestine, and in helping the Palestinian national community to overcome the challenges that face them today.