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Al-Ahram Weekly 21 - 28 January 1999 Issue No. 413 
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Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
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Al-Ahram Weekly 21 - 28 January 1999 Issue No. 413
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| Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
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Egypt Region International Focus Economy Opinion Culture Features Living Travel Sports People Time Out Chronicles Cartoons Letters The end of the nightmare
By James Zogby *The Iraqi leadership's behaviour during the past week brought into sharp focus the problem that this regime has created for the Arab world. For several years now, the suffering of Iraq's people has been a central concern in Arab public opinion. The staggering infant mortality and malnutrition rates are deeply disturbing to the Arab world that knew Iraq in its greater days. Anguish at the cruel fate that has befallen the people of Iraq has turned into anger at the United States -- not merely because of its leading role in maintaining the sanctions regime that has crippled Iraq's economy. Arabs firmly believe that the United States uses double standards in its application of international law, expression of compassion, administration of justice and use of force.
Some Arab writers have suggested that the Iraqi leadership has been emboldened to challenge the United States and spew forth harsh rhetoric against Arab governments friendly to the United States, because they have confused the Arabs' concern for Iraq's people with support for the regime. While this may account for some of the Iraqi government's calculations, the critical matter of US double standards cannot be ignored.
There is Arab anger at the US, a sense of frustration and betrayal. While the US is acknowledged by several key Arab states as the world superpower that plays a necessary role in protecting regional security, its failure to deal equitably with Arab needs has, at times, proved politically costly to its allies. It is against this background that the Iraqi leadership manipulates public anger.
Former US Secretary of State James Baker understood this well. In 1990, shortly after Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, Baker attempted to analyse the reaction of some segments of Arab society. Baker suggested that the Iraqi leader was portraying himself as the "champion of the downtrodden", the one who would challenge the powers that be in the name of those who are oppressed. Both characterisations are, of course, misguided, since the Iraqi regime itself is oppressive. But given the reality of Arab alienation from the West, the regime in Baghdad has been cruelly able to manipulate two popular themes -- public support for the suffering of its own people and this profound sense of Arab alienation -- into a political weapon that it has used against its enemies in times of stress.
The Iraqi regime has been advised continually that its needs would best be served by complying with international inspections, then complaining about whatever problems it has with these inspections. Instead, it has chosen to engage in a long-drawn-out and irksome cat and mouse game with the inspections team and then play confrontation politics with those whose support the regime should be seeking to win. Throughout this long saga, it is the Iraqi people who have been the victims and it is the emotions and passions of Arab public opinion that have been played upon and worn down to the bone.
In the current situation, Arab states allied with the US are faced with a disturbing dilemma. On one hand, they are deeply troubled by the reckless behaviour of the regime in Iraq; on the other, they are concerned with the failure of the US to develop a coherent and consistent policy toward not only Iraq but also the Middle East as a whole. This is especially troublesome because they recognise and value the role that the US could play in the region.
It is in this context, therefore, that several Arab states have begun an effort to formulate an alternative approach to dealing with the Iraq problem. They are guided by a few central objectives. They want to address and alleviate the suffering of the Iraqi people. They do not want to legitimise the regime in power or reward its behaviour. Cognisant of the potent political impact that the current situation is having on public opinion in the Arab world, they want to separate, to the extent that it is possible, policy directed at the regime in Iraq from the policy they will formulate to meet the needs of the country's people.
The Arabs are not alone in this effort to arrive at a new formula to deal with Iraq. There are currently before the United Nations at least three other somewhat similar proposals.
I have just returned from a meeting with the UN secretary-general in New York. I led a small group of Arab Americans to a discussion with Mr Annan about a number of Middle East problems (including the issue of Palestinian statehood, the danger of an escalation of Israeli attacks on Lebanon and the US bombing of a pharmaceuticals plant in Sudan). But what occupied most of our discussion was the especially vexing problem of Iraq.
While the secretary-general is a true diplomat, what comes through clearly is his disappointment at the persistence of this disturbing situation. Much has been invested in his role, but he can only do what member states allow him to. He has vision and moral authority, but can neither impose his will nor change behaviour.
The secretary-general informed us of the outlines of the French, Russian and US proposals to deal with the Iraqi situation. The details of an Arab position are still being formulated. It appears that while there are some substantial differences in all of these various proposals, there are some points of agreement as well.
He assumed that a few more weeks of discussion and distillation would be required before these various approaches could be shaped into a new international consensus. It will ultimately require "creativity, compromise and flexibility" from all parties for such a new approach to form.
But while we wait to see if such a consensus can be found, and if the Iraqi government will accept a new approach, it is the Iraqi people who will continue to suffer and be exploited, still waiting for an end to their long nightmare.
*The writer is president of the Washington-based Arab American Institute.
