Al-Ahram Weekly   Al-Ahram Weekly
18 - 24 February 1999
Issue No. 417
Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 Back issues Current issue

 
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The bonds of grief

By Khaled Dawoud

Signs of mourning remain evident everywhere in Jordan nearly two weeks after King Hussein's death. Pictures of the late king -- referred to by Jordanians as sayedna ("our master") and the "builder of modern Jordan" -- can be seen in nearly every street, marked with black. There are, as yet, almost no pictures of his 37-year-old son and successor, King Abdullah.

Meanwhile, thousands of Jordanians continued to queue for long hours before the royal palaces in Amman to offer their condolences to the late King Hussein's family. Cars in the streets trail black banners, while Jordanian television broadcasts nothing but readings from the Qur'an, news bulletins and film of King Hussein's "historic" funeral, which was attended by a great number of world leaders.

All the country's churches had special prayers Sunday to call for God's mercy on the late monarch, and school children have been holding marches almost every day to express their sadness. Both houses of parliament held special sessions on Sunday and Monday, during which their members spoke of their grief "at the great loss of our beloved King Hussein". Many of the MPs could not restrain their tears while reading out their speeches.

The strong international presence at King Hussein's funeral and the countless pledges of economic assistance from different countries at first encouraged a sense of underlying confidence in the people of Jordan that they would survive this tragic bereavement and regain both their composure and their place in the world. However, that hope is slowly being eroded as the days go by. In its place, there is instead a sense of mounting anxiety about the future.

Politicians, columnists and analysts have already started calling on the Jordanian people to prepare themselves for the "after shock". Sooner or later, even the bond of mourning must be broken. One day, the nation will wake up to the fact that the late king is no longer there, either dead or alive, to provide them with support and inspiration.

These same public figures have also called upon the United States along with certain Arab and European countries to act without delay to provide the country with the support they pledged. Jordanian officials said that envoys will tour various parts of the world in the near future to communicate this message in person.

The Jordanian government, for its part, while agreeing that certain changes will be necessary in the wake of King Hussein's death, is concentrating its efforts on lowering people's expectations, insisting that the new half-British King Abdullah will follow the same policies as his late father.

The fact that Abdullah earlier this week asked Prime Minister Fayez Al-Tarawneh to stay in post has been taken as another indication that no immediate changes should be expected. According to one informed Jordanian source, "Nothing major will happen before King Abdullah is formally crowned on 12 May." Meanwhile, a former Jordanian diplomat who visited the new king to offer condolences, told Al-Ahram Weekly that Abdullah has been assuring his visitors that he "knows exactly what he is going to do and that his father left him clear instructions before he passed away."

Appointing the 18-year-old Prince Hamza as crown prince before he returned to school in Britain was an indication that King Abdullah will apply "his father's will and instructions, both in letter and in spirit," the former diplomat added.

The Hashemite royal family are fully aware that unity is indispensable at this critical time, and they too have shown their full solidarity with the new king. Former Crown Prince Hassan, who was officially heir to the throne for 34 years before he was deposed by his dying brother last month, was among the first to send a letter of support to the new king -- a move which effectively silenced speculation about divisions within the ruling family.

The former crown prince is still popular with Jordanians, but the fact that Abdullah was appointed by his father's express wish seems to have been enough to preclude any mass opposition to Hassan's removal.

"They [the Hashemites] are all in the same boat, and Prince Hassan is fully aware that to give any sign of dissent would be suicidal. That is why the succession passed off smoothly," said one well-informed Jordanian source. Abdul-Latif Arabiat, secretary-general of the political wing of the Muslim Brotherhood group, the Islamic Action Front, and former parliament speaker, told the Weekly that the succession had not caused much of a stir, "because it was in accordance with the constitution, which states that the king's eldest son should take over after the death of his father."

Meanwhile, several Jordanian newspapers reported that in order to fill the political vacuum left by King Hussein's death, Abdullah will appoint a "consultative council" made up of former prime ministers, the army chief-of-staff, the director of intelligence and the head of the royal court. The council is intended to advise the new king and help compensate for his lack of political experience.

Abdullah will also reportedly be receiving intensive Arabic lessons. Jordanians discreetly joke about the way the new king pronounces certain Arabic letters "in an English accent" -- a reference to the fact that he has lived most of his life in the US and Britain, as well as to the formative influence on the young man of his British mother, Princess Mona.

As for the Jordanian opposition parties, such as the Muslim Brotherhood and the small leftist parties, they have seized the opportunity to ask for what they describe as a "comprehensive review" of policy on both the domestic and regional levels.

Arabiat of the Islamic Action Front said that a key Muslim Brotherhood figure who visited Hussein while he was receiving treatment in the United States was promised that major reforms would be carried out upon his return to Jordan. "And we expect his son to carry out those changes," Arabiat added.

Domestically, the opposition groups and other independent politicians are calling for the parliament, elected in 1997, to be dissolved. Ironically, they are basing their demand on a law which they vehemently opposed at the time it was introduced. Nearly all opposition figures boycotted the last elections and do not consider the present parliament to be truly representative of the Jordanian people. They are also demanding the annulment of the press law, passed in 1997, due to the severe restrictions it imposes on the freedom of the press and the wide powers it gives the authorities to shut down newspapers and jail journalists. As if to prove the opposition's point, last Sunday a Jordanian court ordered the closure of the popular weekly newspaper, Al-Majd, after the Print and Publications Department filed a case against its editor, Fahd Al-Rimawi, for publishing what it deemed to be "information harmful to national security".

Cracking down on corruption and creating jobs for thousands of unemployed university graduates also feature prominently on the opposition's list of demands.

In the regional arena, many Jordanians expect the new king to adopt a more balanced approach towards Israel than his father, and to strengthen Amman's ties with other Arab countries. According to Arabiat, most Jordanians believe that the 1994 peace treaty with Israel has brought them more problems than benefits.

But one informed Jordanian source told the Weekly that King Abdullah plans to maintain the existing level of cooperation with Israel. "This was a strategic choice made by King Hussein, prompted by his fears for national security. The United States and Israel are seen as the main pillars which maintain Jordan's security, its stability -- and even its existence."

Jordanian opposition groups are also demanding that the new king should not take part in any US plans to topple Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, both for economic and for political reasons. Iraq is Jordan's main trading partner at this time of deep economic crisis, and many Jordanians are unwilling to sacrifice that outlet for their nation's goods, even if their neighbours are ruled by a man like Saddam Hussein. There are also at least 170,000 Iraqis in Jordan, some of them loyal to Saddam, and they could cause trouble in the present fragile circumstances if Jordan were to take any part in US military plans.

"Jordan should not be involved in any tragedy -- or farce -- which America is planning to put on," said Oraib Al-Rentawi, a political analyst. "Our decisions should be based first and foremost on our national interests."

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