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Al-Ahram Weekly 15 - 21 July 1999 Issue No. 438 
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Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
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Al-Ahram Weekly 15 - 21 July 1999 Issue No. 438
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| Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
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Egypt Region International Economy Opinion Culture Profile Features Travel Living Sports Time Out Chronicles People Cartoons Letters Choosing the path to stability
By Ibrahim Nafie
Algeria is currently undergoing a phase of significant change towards political stability. Its effects will extend beyond that nation's borders to the entire Arab world -- an immense relief after the period of unprecedented violence that began in the early '90s and wrought such immense human and material damage.
Algeria's progress in overcoming its brutal domestic circumstances is significant because Algeria was considered a peculiarity when the wave of terrorism in our region erupted in 1992. The violence that tore through that country was the culmination of complex political developments that had been seething beneath the surface for many years. Algerians themselves differ in their analysis of the events preceding the eruption of violence, allocating varying degrees of blame to the ruling authorities of the time or to other political groupings. While many of the issues were domestic concerns, the way in which they were handled showed recklessness. Thus, when terrorism did strike, it did so against the backdrop of a highly charged political climate, which contributed to prolonging and augmenting the violence far beyond what was experienced elsewhere.
The recent trajectory of change in Algeria is, to some extent, an extension of the political conflict that gripped the country, particularly at the time of the recent presidential elections. Yet that conflict was ultimately resolved within the framework of peaceful dialogue and the democratic process and, therefore, does not so much represent a continuation of the crisis as a major hurdle that had been overcome.
This has raised high hopes that Algeria can resume its natural place as an important regional power in the Arab world and Africa. It has an excellent record for supporting Arab causes. To its credit in particular are its championship of Egypt's territorial rights at the time of the 1973 October War and its successful mediating efforts between Iran and Iraq in the mid-'70s. Algerians are now looking forward to accomplishing even greater diplomatic tasks. They are eager to improve their relations with neighbouring Arab countries and with individual European countries, relations which suffered greatly due to a variety of factors, many associated with the repercussions of terrorism. Also on the agenda is promoting the European and Euro-Mediterranean partnerships that are of such importance to the Algerian economy at present. In addition, Algerians hope to contribute to stimulating the Arab Maghreb Union. To this end, as well, Algerians are eager to enhance bilateral relations within the Arab world.
Egypt has spared no efforts in helping Algeria build sturdy foundations for its new foreign policy phase. These were tangibly manifested in the two successive visits of President Mubarak to Algeria last month and in the continual contacts between the two countries. Moreover, President Mubarak undertook a third visit to Algeria during the African summit this week. Such exchanges serve to underscore the close bond between our countries, a bond that has inspired both sides to undertake the greatest sacrifices in defence of each other's interests. These relations can soon expect another boost with the intensification of channels of mutual cooperation. Algerian President Abdel-Aziz Bouteflika is to visit Egypt before the year is out.
The trend toward national reconciliation in Algeria reaffirms the fact that the various Arab countries where terrorism has struck remain strong and have the will and resources to counter waves of unrest. It has also demonstrated that there is no alternative to the peaceful democratic development of our societies. When President Bouteflika came to power, he brought a new vision and way of thinking. He believes in the need for a comprehensive reform drawing on the experience of recent years. He is fully aware that reform must, above all, be grounded in stability. Therefore, his first task was clear: to put an immediate end to violence. Already in the short time since he assumed office he has demonstrated an unprecedented level of earnestness and courage, in this resolve.
One of his most important accomplishments was to grant amnesty to terrorists who were not found guilty of murder or rape. Bouteflika laid his own career on the line in putting through this measure, threatening that he would resign if the Algerian people did not pass it. One of its immediate results was that the Islamic Salvation Army, the military wing of the Islamic Salvation Front, declared that it had renounced violence.
Bouteflika is convinced that the Algerian people will put their tragedy behind them. Although some objections were voiced with regard to the amnesty and the process of reconciliation, these are perfectly understandable in the wake of an armed conflict that claimed over 100,000 lives, left over 750,000 people physically and psychologically maimed, and cost billions of dollars in material damage.
It took eight years and four presidents for the wave of terrorism to begin to break. That it did, however, does not necessarily mean an end to violence. There are desperate people, who, still prey to their own delusions, will refuse to coexist with society and will continue to attack it. To these, amnesty cannot apply.
Still, daily, systematic violence will come to an end, even if intermittent terrorist operations persist. The prognosis of radical change fanned by the Western media in particular will fade away. It is now no longer possible to contemplate political collapse, extended civil war or the establishment of what has been called "an Islamic state". Algeria was under a siege imposed by a broad array of armed Islamist groups. According to the International Institute for Strategic Studies, there were three main armed groups, each containing between 50 and 1,000 members and capable of mobilising between 2,000 and 3,000 armed activists.
As relative calm and stability set in, however, the foreign dimension of terrorism will dwindle. For Algeria, this dimension was far more extensive than elsewhere. Militants flooded back from Afghanistan where they had been well trained in combating the Soviet forces. Arms deals concluded through smuggling networks that led through many European countries and may have been encouraged by certain intelligence agencies, supplied the groups with a torrent of weaponry. In the climate of antagonism and hatred that prevailed, these weapons were not pointed at the government alone, but at the Algerian people themselves, against whom unimaginable atrocities were committed.
In short, however positive the signs, the Algerian president does not have an easy task before him. At the same time, it is not an impossible task, especially now that most Algerians have learned the lessons of the '90s. Particularly encouraging is the president's appeal to the Algerian people to participate in implementing the solution it chooses. In this lies considerable cause for hope that Algeria will emerge stronger and more capable of securing a place in the world commensurate with its capacities and ambitions. Bullets that miss their target must inevitably make that target more vigilant.
