Al-Ahram Weekly   Al-Ahram Weekly
11 - 17 November 1999
Issue No. 455
Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 Issues navigation Current Issue Previous Issue Back Issues

 
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Retroactive effects

By Salama Ahmed Salama

Salama Ahmed Salama People are normally so adaptable that they often fail to perceive how much has actually changed in their lives and their surroundings. Whenever a journalist or writer conjures up memories of past events, however, people seem to forget that they have a right to know, even in retrospect. The accumulation of experiences nurtures human memory and develops insight. Hence, nations which have stopped thinking in terms of letting bygones be bygones progress. They do not allow themselves to repeat the errors of the past, thereby encumbering both present and future. Such nations are aware that everyone pays the price of such laxity. They assume that the people have the right to judge their rulers and hold them accountable.

In Egypt we are used to writing about our rulers only after they have left the government. We have developed this syndrome because of the inadequacy of our parliamentary system and legislative process in monitoring and controlling governance. Some contend that, especially in the case of former rulers who are now deceased, and who cannot defend themselves or explain why they acted as they did, retroactive judgement is highly unjust. Rulers go down in history largely on the basis of what others say. They are also condemned by documents released only after they have relinquished power. We have seen this happen to Nasser, Sadat and their predecessors; it will also be true of their successors.

In Egypt, events unfold before our eyes only in retrospect, and remain always incomplete. Our task is to fill in the blanks, search for the lost fragments and piece them together to make a meaningful picture. The role of the press is to help reconstruct the past by mobilising resources to dig out the facts and present them to the public, even after the fact.

Adel Hammouda's new book El-Ganzouri and I recounts the author's relationship with the former prime minister, and the circumstances which led to Hammouda's ousting from Rose El-Youssef. Hammouda discusses the closing down of certain newspapers and the former cabinet's use of the company law to ban new publications. To an ordinary reader, not involved in disputes between the press, the government and other political forces, the book does not seem to be an attempt to settle old scores or take revenge against a former prime minister who is now a nonentity. Rather, the book clarifies matters which seem to have been deliberately left unexplained.

With the spaces of freedom created today, and the right to self-expression guaranteed, we can speak our minds. Why should former or current officials refrain from telling their side of the story, defending their positions and writing their own memoirs? There could be no better way to develop public opinion, dispel doubts and reconstruct history. There is no harm in different views, arguments or dialogue. Such disputes are the only alternative to abuse of power and repression, which can only lead to violence.

The problem of the press in Egypt is that certain journalists believe they are spokesmen for the government, responsible for defending its policies, concealing its errors, fighting its enemies and befriending its allies, while benefiting from every opportunity that comes their way. Other journalists believe that to belong to the opposition is to criticise the government, reject all its policies out of hand, and raise doubts as to the soundness of its actions.

Our governments do not come or go as a result of free elections, so any change creates shock waves. Facts are therefore hidden and distorted. A book like Hammouda's must be read -- if for nothing else, then for the facts he discloses. Once the book is read, it is laid aside. A certain reality dawns on the reader. The book provided a facet of the truth; when will the remaining facets come to light?

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