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Al-Ahram Weekly 25 Nov. - 1 Dec. 1999 Issue No. 457 
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Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
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Al-Ahram Weekly 25 Nov. - 1 Dec. 1999 Issue No. 457
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| Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
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Egypt Region International Economy Opinion Culture Features Profile Travel Living Sports People Time Out Chronicles Cartoons Letters Consequences of an expulsion
By Lamis AndoniThe expulsion of the four Hamas leaders from Jordan has dealt a heavy blow to the Islamic movement's influence outside the Palestinian areas. But while Jordan has achieved its short-term political goal of undermining the movement, the "Hamas affair" is likely to have far-reaching consequences on the country's internal cohesion.
This unprecedented deportation of Jordanian citizens has stunned observers, since it goes beyond violations committed before 1989 during the period of martial law. Politicians and human-rights activists in Jordan point out that deportation was never used even at the darkest hours of the country's many political crises.
The government's handling of the affair has provoked strong criticism, and there have been allegations that it could be seen as bending the legal process and undermining the constitution. Initially, the government had accused Hamas of plotting armed activities in the country, while later charging the Jordanian leaders of the group of violating the law by belonging to a foreign (Palestinian) group.
However, some senior Jordanian politicians say that they have "advised" the palace not to refer the Hamas case to court for fear that it will raise more questions than answers about the nature of Jordan's relationship with the movement.
The government later shifted its objections to Hamas to the legalistic claim that the group was running illegal operations from Jordan, the Muslim Brotherhood's weekly paper, Al-Sabeel, responding by publishing copies of official courtesy messages from the court, including the late and present king, and from government officials, addressed to "the brothers in the Hamas Political Bureau" in Amman.
However, the end of this unlikely marriage of convenience between Jordan and the Islamic militant movement that opposes the peace process came as no surprise to many Jordanians.
"Hamas has outlived its usefulness," said a senior Jordanian politician. "Its leaders should have seen that coming with the death of King Hussein and the ascension of Ehud Barak to power in Israel. Unlike his late father, the young King Abdullah II has shown no interest in attempting to restore Hashemite influence on the West Bank. Hamas was always viewed as a card that the late King Hussein was keeping in reserve to pressure the Palestinian Authority for a bigger Jordanian role in determining the future of the West Bank," he added.
King Abdullah, though, is keener on preserving Jordan's East Bank boundaries and attracting foreign investment than he is on extending Jordanian influence on the West Bank, his plans corresponding to regional and international changes as the US pushes for a final-status agreement between the Palestinians and the Israelis.
Well-informed Jordanian sources say that following the election of Barak in Israel, thus opening the way for final-status talks to take place, Jordan has come under mounting pressure from the US, Israel and the Palestinian Authority to end Hamas's presence in the country.
Palestinian President Yasser Arafat, who has successfully suppressed Hamas's influence in areas under his control, has always complained that the Amman-based leadership of the movement was responsible for the continuing attacks against Israel that have been seen as compromising his authority. Hamas Political Bureau chief Khaled Misha'al and the group's spokesman, Ibrahim Ghosheh, who were among the deported officials, were "the wild cards" that Arafat has long sought to get rid of.
From a Jordanian point of view, getting rid of Hamas will also stem Palestinian opposition to a final agreement that is expected to fall short of realising the right of Palestinian refugees to return to their homeland.
The crackdown on Hamas therefore sends a strong message to all Palestinians in Jordan, especially in the country's 11 refugee camps, to stay away from organised Palestinian groups.
Many are now concerned that the threat of punishment or even of deportation is further alienating Palestinians in Jordan who might feel forced to choose between their Jordanian citizenship and their Palestinian political identity.
Such fears were exacerbated when at an early stage of the crisis one Jordanian official made reference to the 1970 Jordanian crackdown on the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) in the country, which has left bitter memories.
But far beyond the immediate impact on the Palestinians, "the security-minded" management of the Hamas affair has raised questions about the impact of the American-led peace process in the region on Jordan's own fragile democratisation process.
