 |
Al-Ahram Weekly 6 - 12 January 2000 Issue No. 463 
|
||
Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
| ||
|
Al-Ahram Weekly 6 - 12 January 2000 Issue No. 463
|
||
| Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
| ||
Egypt Region International Economy Opinion Culture Heritage Millennium Features Profile Living Travel Sports People Time Out Chronicles Cartoons Letters A common history
By Ibrahim Nafie
If there is one foreign affairs issue that arouses unanimity of opinion in Egypt it is the uniqueness of the relationship between Egyptian and Sudanese societies. Egypt's southern neighbor is not only integral to Egyptian vital interests, the two countries are bound by centuries-long intimate historical and cultural bonds. It is little wonder, therefore, that following developments in Khartoum President Hosni Mubarak undertook an urgent tour of the countries of the Gulf to rally support for Omar Al-Bashir preparatory to his recent visit to Cairo. These diplomatic actions reflect the hope, shared by all Egyptians, for stability in Sudan.
Egypt's diplomatic drive on behalf of Sudan is guided by three fundamental principles -- unity, legitimacy and comprehensive reconciliation.
There have been proposals to partition Sudan into two national entities: one predominantly Arab Muslim in character to the north and the other predominantly African, Christian and animist in the south. Yet proponents of these schemes differ greatly over what should constitute the borders between these two entities. While some maintain that the south is defined by the administrative borders declared on 1 January 1956, others hold that it comprises areas that are geographically and demographically part of the north. It would appear that the notion of partition is beset with difficulties from the outset, difficulties, moreover, that would be easily exacerbated by international meddling and internal tribal, ethnic and religious tensions.
In advocating the unity of Sudan, Egypt seeks to forestall the disastrous consequences that partition would inevitably bring to all the Sudanese people. Egyptian-Sudanese relations have not always been smooth. But however tense Cairo never played upon the rivalries among Sudan's political factions. Cairo's criterion has always been that however turbulent Sudan's domestic conflicts, these storms will pass while Sudan remains one.
Some might argue that the Egyptian stance is overly romantic, or blind to the prevailing tide in East Africa in general. They might agree with the southerners who believe that partition offers the only viable solution to problems that have brought untold attrition to Sudan's material and human resources and that has been a perpetual blight upon Khartoum's external relations.
This assessment of the Egyptian stance could not be more erroneous. Egypt's insistence on the unity of Sudan is grounded on a blend of humanitarian and practical considerations as well as upon a broader range of interests that are inextricably bound with Sudan's territorial unity. In addition, it has always been Egypt's policy to work to safeguard national boundaries, the security of which are vital to the preservation of regional stability. This position, moreover, is consistent with the charter of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU).
The Egyptian-Libyan initiative to bring about reconciliation between all Sudanese factions is one way Egypt has translated its principles into action. In his recent visit to Cairo Al-Bashir welcomed Egypt's continued dedication to this initiative. Stressing the importance of national reconciliation, Al-Bashir expressed his confidence that the Sudanese opposition will respond favorably to the joint efforts. He also recommended coordinating this initiative with that of the Inter-governmental Agency for Development (IGAD).
The two issues Al-Bashir brought to the fore in his statement are interrelated and vital to a truly comprehensive reconciliation in Sudan. Firstly, for it to succeed, the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), the umbrella organisation for opposition groups inside Sudan, must evince an appropriate level of interest. Although the NDA, in its meeting in Tripoli last July, expressed support for the Egyptian-Libyan initiative, it should now demonstrate its commitment in more tangible terms. One step in this direction would be to elect the members of its delegation to the preparatory committee that is to arrange the national reconciliation conference.
Secondly, coordinating the Egyptian-Libyan initiative with that of IGAD is necessary in order to ensure a balanced resolution to the crisis in Sudan. With Sudan at the heart of the Arab-African continuum, certainly a blend of both perspectives would offer the most realistic chance of success. Moreover, in encouraging coordination between the two peace-making drives, Egypt is exploring yet one more practical avenue for enhancing Arab-African relations. We believe that this spirit should serve as a beacon for all concerned parties, so that when they eventually meet to reconcile, the results will benefit all.
President Al-Bashir's recent visit to Cairo, ending a lengthy period of acrimony between the two countries, reaffirmed Egypt's integral role in resolving the Sudanese crisis. But the visit was also intended to explore ways to put our mutual relations back on a solid footing. In their meetings the Egyptian and Sudanese leaders reached numerous agreements which covered such issues as lifting restrictions on the movement of persons and goods between the two countries, the creation of a joint ministerial committee to oversee the implementation of several agricultural and food-processing projects, the immediate return of the Egyptian ambassador to Khartoum and a framework for the resolution of the problem of Halayeb.
Egypt welcomes Al-Bashir's desire to put the acrimony between Sudan and Egypt aside. But this is only one reason it applauded his move to curb the influence of Hassan Al-Turabi. Al-Turabi's policies have alienated Sudan, not only from Egypt, but from all of its neighbours.
Al-Bashir's decision to dissolve the Sudanese parliament and declare a three-month state of emergency bolstered the legitimacy of the Sudanese constitution against the manipulations of Al-Turabi. It brought renewed hopes for a more democratic system of government, capable of accommodating all factions. That Al-Bashir also abolished the law of political succession, an important concession to the NDA, reinforced Cairo's belief in his commitment to comprehensive national reconciliation as the only mechanism that will realise Sudanese aspirations.
