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Al-Ahram Weekly 6 - 12 January 2000 Issue No. 463 
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Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
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Al-Ahram Weekly 6 - 12 January 2000 Issue No. 463
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| Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
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Egypt Region International Economy Opinion Culture Heritage Millennium Features Profile Living Travel Sports People Time Out Chronicles Cartoons Letters All eyes remain on Bouteflika
By Khaled DawoudFollowing the surprising last-minute withdrawal of six candidates from the Algerian presidential elections of 15 April 1999, which saw the victory of Abdel-Aziz Bouteflika, many observers expected that nothing would change in Algeria. For those people, one army man, former President Limaine Zeroual, was replaced by an army-backed diplomat.
For those who knew Bouteflika well, he could not have been like others who held the presidency since 1992 -- the year the army intervened and cancelled elections that had clearly been won by the now outlawed Islamic Salvation Front (FIS). The army's move touched off violence and instability.
With more than 100,000 people killed, many in horrifying massacres, and a damaged economy, all candidates for the presidency raised the banner of "reconciliation," "change" and "restoration of peace". Yet, after Bouteflika assumed power, he took all of his opponents by surprise as he began to put his slogans into practice.
In an attempt to bolster his legitimacy and to create for himself an image as an independent president, Bouteflika launched a fierce attack against the spread of corruption, "monopolistic interests" and bureaucracy in Algeria. He sacked nearly half of the provincial governors and set up a committee to reform the judiciary. "I intend to exercise my constitutional powers in full. I will regain them completely because they have not been practised in full in the past," was one of the first statements he made. "Drugs, black market trade, collusion by border officials, corruption, child beggars and immorality are spread everywhere," Bouteflika said. "Algerians everywhere are frightened ... Everything is ill in the country," he added.
Speaking emotionally in eloquent classical Arabic, the new president managed to widen his popularity and gave Algerians the feeling that the depressing situation might start to change.
A few weeks after he took office, Bouteflika announced his own "peace plan" to be implemented through the "Civil Concord Law". Reaching this stage, however, would not have been possible, without secret coordination with the FIS' military wing, the Islamic Salvation Army (AIS), which announced a unilateral truce more than two years ago.
On 16 September 1999, nearly 99 per cent of Algerians voted "yes" for Bouteflika's plan to grant partial amnesty for Islamic extremists who had not committed "blood crimes" or rape. A few thousand militants who have been jailed for years without charges or trial were released from prison, although thousands of others remained behind bars. Under the terms of the amnesty, 13 January 2000 was declared as the deadline for suspected militants to surrender to the authorities. In warning to militants who do not turn themselves in, Bouteflika said the state will be entitled to use all measures to put an end to the violence. He was also vehement in rejecting demands to lift the ban on the FIS, saying that the militant movement was dissolved in line with the country's legal system and constitution.
Yet, Bouteflika was not able to pursue his mission without resistance. Reports in the Algerian press openly stated that the president was not able to form his government due to opposition from the powerful Algerian army. Unconfirmed reports said that Bouteflika threatened to resign. However, the Algerian leader announced his new government only a few weeks before the end of 1999. Most observers suggested that the new cabinet differed little from the previous one. Made up primarily of technocrats, the new cabinet's main task will be saving the Algerian economy.
The assassination of key FIS figure, Abdel-Kader Hachani in mysterious circumstances in November 1999, also raised serious questions about the amount of control Bouteflika exercises. Authorities announced the arrest of Hachani's suspected killer, but the story they released to the media was unconvincing for most Algerians, not to mention Hachani's family which issued a statement denying the allegations that the detained man was the actual killer. Bouteflika himself said he was saddened by Hachani's murder, but vowed that it would not affect his efforts to achieve national reconciliation.
Experts on Algerian politics believe that the country has gotten over the events of 1992. Bitterness has dissipated over the army's intervention in elections, and popular support for the Islamists has waned to the extent that even FIS leaders do not expect to restore their good old days. Before the end of 1999, former Algerian Foreign Minister Ahmed Taleb El-Ibrahimi, who is known to have close ties with the FIS, announced the formation of his own party. Other key Algerian figures, such former Prime Minister Mouloud Hamrouche, also took similar steps and promised to revitalise their role as opposition.
However, the continuation of bloody massacres, blamed mainly on the Armed Islamic Group (GIA) and other small extremist groups, poses a serious threat to Bouteflika's efforts and promises to restore peace. The current month of Ramadan -- a favourite month for Algerian extremists to carry out their crimes due to their belief that God appreciates Jihad most during the holy month -- witnessed the death of nearly 500 innocent civilians.
Thus, the political scene in Algeria is expected to remain lively this year, as all eyes remain on Bouteflika, waiting to see whether he will be able to fulfill his promises.
