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Al-Ahram Weekly 9 - 15 March 2000 Issue No. 472 
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Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
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Al-Ahram Weekly 9 - 15 March 2000 Issue No. 472
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| Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
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Egypt Region International Economy Opinion Culture Features Focus Books Travel Living Sports Profile People Time Out Chronicles Cartoons The importance of being democratic
By Mustafa El-Fiqi*
Authoritarian oppression and the absence of civil liberties generally characterise the contemporary political condition of Third World peoples. Foreign control constituted a relatively recent phase in their history and economic development remains their most fundamental problem. In countries where a rigid social heritage combines with such low levels of national income as to keep millions in the grips of extreme poverty, universal political participation and public freedoms are in severe crisis. Democracy in these countries is a hollow slogan promoted by those in a position to exclude the effective advocacy of alternative opinions.
We must distinguish between two important criteria by which it is possible to gauge how a government stands on the scale of democracy. The first is the existence of constitutional and legal channels for the democratic expression of opinion and decision-making. The second is the extent to which the government fosters a socioeconomic climate conducive to the exercise of democracy. While most political regimes in the Third World meet the first criterion, they are severely deficient in meeting the second. The result is a sharp discrepancy between democratic form and substance.
It is very odd that Islamic nations make up a disproportionate share of the Third World's dictatorships. Shura (consultation), a fundamental tenet of Islam, was earnestly practiced by the first adherents to this religion. Indeed, this means of reaching a consensus among diverse groups was applied in selecting the first of the Prophet Mohamed's followers. Unfortunately, however, modern Muslim rulers, whether deliberately or out of ignorance, fail to acknowledge that Shura, of which democracy is a modern expression, is a fundamental constituent of the sociopolitical structure ordained by Islam.
To contemplate political life today in many Islamic countries, particularly those that claim to apply Islamic law to the fullest extent, is deeply disturbing. It is tragic to see that application of the Shari'a under these systems rarely goes beyond the imposition of Hudud, the sanctioned forms of punishment, to the deeper essence of the divine message as it applies to the organisation of political, social and economic life.
The Arab world as a whole consists entirely of Third World countries in terms of social development. Civil liberties in most of these countries are in a deplorable state, although many have a lengthy history of representational councils and some, albeit limited, experience in parliamentary life.
We should not underestimate Egypt's parliamentary history. Minutes from parliamentary sessions from the 1920s to the 1940s, despite the heavy constraints imposed by the palace and the occupation, teem with a free and sincere democratic interchange and practices on a par with those of the established Western democracies of the time. The problem then, however, as it is now in most of the countries of the Third World, was the absence of a political, economic and cultural climate conducive to the optimum performance of the democratic system.
The Arab-Israeli crisis, too, has hampered effective democratic practice; for several decades, many regimes sought to perpetuate themselves on the grounds that their continuity was vital to the conduct of the struggle. We could have been more honest with ourselves, and admitted that the absence of democracy in the Arab world inhibited Arab unity and dissipated the energies of this region in a manner unparalleled the world over. Further complicating the situation in the Arab world today is the petroleum boom, which has augmented the strategic importance of a number of companies. Ironically, the very powers that have vital interests in the region, even as they wave the banners of democracy and civil liberties, know that their interests lie in the perpetuation of the status quo.
Other countries outside this region have been able to escape the tyranny of dictatorship. India is a prime example of a Third World country with a solid democratic structure. Many Arab countries could emulate the Indian experience, if differences in historical experience and India's lengthy head-start are taken into account.
Contemporary Arab regimes fall into two categories in terms of historical emergence. The first consists of those provinces of the Ottoman Sultanate that gradually evolved into states as Istanbul lost its grip over its far-flung empire in the last half of the 19th century. The second consists of those nations that threw off the European colonial yoke and whose governing systems generally took shape through a series of military coups. Perhaps this history accounts to a considerable degree for regimes that derive their legitimacy from the revolutionary credentials of a dominant tribe or military faction. Democracy under such regimes can only be perceived as a conspiracy to turn a complacent people against its rulers.
Numerous other factors have inhibited democratic development in most of these countries. Most lack a sizeable, politically mature middle class capable of shaping the course of events and the conduct of national affairs. A related factor is the generally low level of education. As in other Third World countries, high rates of illiteracy account for the inability to instill the knowledge and awareness necessary for widespread democratic participation in public life. The patronising state-controlled media, furthermore, spoon-feeds the public information primarily geared to serve the interests of the regime. This political monologue, as it can best be described, is, of course, entirely different from the situation in Western nations, in which the media's primary allegiance is to its audiences.
In short, there is in the Arab world no climate conducive to a culture of democracy and civil liberties. At the same time, however, such a culture cannot flourish without proper institutional frameworks for popular participation in government. True, constitutions in the Arab world furnish guarantees for civil liberties and provide institutional channels for political involvement. Unfortunately, in practice these channels are frequently little more than window dressing, and it is impossible to deny the existence of a very real crisis of democracy in the Arab world.
A truly democratic system can be a boon to foreign policy. It provides for the optimum use of various alternatives and great flexibility in the decision making process, which can promote a nation's strategic and national security priorities. Israel is the nearest example to the Arabs with regard to how a domestic democratic system can serve foreign policy objectives. Party politics in Israel has always bought Israeli negotiators extra time.
Liberal trends in the Arab world could generate proper formulas for broader participation in government. The advocacy of freedom of opinion inherent in liberal thought is necessary to the development of skills and expertise. Extremism in its various political, intellectual and religious guises, by contrast, represents an attempt to impose a minority view by force upon an entire society, a phenomenon many Arab countries, including Egypt, have experienced. Democracy is the only way to protect the majority from the tyranny of the minority, and to prevent clandestine political activity. If democracy is a safeguard against extremism, however, it is also a safeguard against anarchy, contrary to the perception prevailing in the Third World. The very legal edifices that guarantee fundamental civil liberties provide for the supremacy of the rule of law that enforces these guarantees. The rule of law underpins the resolve to combat various forms of corruption. Conversely, the absence of the rule of law furnishes the climate in which corruption flourishes.
Moreover, contrary to common belief, political stability is a corollary of democracy. If the political turmoil, military coups and civil wars that are rampant throughout the Third World tell us anything, it is that democracy has not been able to gain a secure foothold in these areas. By furnishing the greatest possible degree of equality among citizens, democracy seeks to foster "social harmony", which is the cornerstone of political stability. Many countries of the Third World have sought to "create" political stability through various forms of repression. Some have succeeded; but, in the absence of democracy, that success will always be very fragile.
* The writer is an expert on Egyptian politics and history and a top ranking diplomat.
