Al-Ahram Weekly   Al-Ahram Weekly
6 - 12 April 2000
Issue No. 476
Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 Issues navigation Current Issue Previous Issue Back Issues

 
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Great expectations -- and realistic, too

By Said Ismail Ali *

Since the current university law was passed in 1972, replacing legislation that had been in place for seven years at the time, demands for new legislation to organise universities have been unceasing. The arguments for change are not prompted by the fact that the current law was passed almost 30 years ago -- it is not uncommon to find academic structures today that have lasted at least that long. The change is prompted by the nature of the current law, which is a product of the philosophy and ideology of its times, charged with socialist and totalitarian ideas. The radical changes that have taken place since then have brought different perspectives and ways of life, with global implications.

Academic legislation should mirror social trends and incorporate a forward-looking dimension. Judged by this standard, the present law has become a symbol of backwardness. It reflects a society that no longer exists and a system not conducive to the realisation of progress. Aware of its shortcomings, officials began to modify it. Such modifications soon proliferated, as may be evidenced by the endless references and footnotes to successive changes. The current law is a patchwork often lacking in consistency, not to mention relevance.

Fortunately, however, higher education authorities have taken stock of the situation, and a new law is in the making. While this is not the place to make any substantive suggestions, I am concerned with the procedural aspect of legislation. The market philosophy dominating economic activity today should extend to other fields of life as well. The assumption that the customer is always right should be applied to education. Since students and staff are the "customers" here, those who will interpret and implement the terms of the law, they should be involved in the legislative groundwork.

We must not repeat the experience of the past, when laws were passed and such issues as their feasibility or relevance were only discussed widely when it was too late. What is the use of debate once a law is passed? The youngest generation of university staff, who will have to deal with the law's implications for longest, must be involved every step of the way.

I would go further and suggest that the law be put to the public, especially intellectuals, scientists and businessmen, before it is passed. Though not faculty members, the business community must not be overlooked. It has a well developed vision and experience in education as well as in the economic field. It could help give the law practical relevance. We need not rush the process: we have lived with the current law for the past 28 years, and can spend another year in constructive discussion. Hopefully, Mufid Shehab, who is already carrying the burden of two ministries, will have the time to hold large-scale meetings at several universities at which future prospects can be discussed.

The new law, almost inevitably, will improve on previous legislation. I refer specifically to the need to enhance democratic practice in the university system. Unfortunately, modifications to the current law have often been setbacks to democracy. For instance, the law was modified to replace election with appointment to the position of dean, at a time when we were demanding that university presidents take office by election. I am aware that some oppose this view, on the grounds that top-level academic posts are part of the executive branch, but I would argue that executive responsibilities are among the tasks of the administrative and technical apparatus. The terms of reference of top academic posts should be restricted to their essential functions, which are to draw up, monitor and implement academic policy.

Democratic practice is reflected in selection for leadership positions, therefore, but also in the involvement of students, who are the true beneficiaries of the process of education yet are invariably excluded from decision-making. Undemocratic practices abound elsewhere, at various academic levels. The principle of the independence of universities, which was one of the cornerstones of their establishment in the early years of the 20th century, has been eroded over the years. Finances and administration, the lifelines of a university, are the very factors compromising its independence. Any action requires funds, and any responsibility demands an administrative procedure. But both financial and administrative functions are governed by laws with no relevance to universities. In this respect, a university is treated like any institution involved in any activity. Can regulations not be sufficiently varied to take into account the nature of the activity in question? Can a university function according to the same regulations applied to the public sewage system or any security department?

We only have to look at the case of the armed forces. The military has been a paragon of efficiency and speed in its civil works projects. Yet the soldiers working on these projects are Egyptians of the same stock as the lazy, lethargic employees one meets everywhere else. The difference in attitudes is due to military discipline and administration. In the same way, university staff knows what is good for the university; so why should professors of economics, law, or business administration not draw up the relevant legislation?

Democracy is no longer a luxury, to be forsaken or postponed. We need only to look at reports on the state of development in the world to realise the correlation between democracy and development. Countries where democracy is banished cannot flourish. Where do we wish to stand? We must make our choice and act accordingly.


*The writer is professor of education at Ain Shams University.

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