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Al-Ahram Weekly 13 - 19 April 2000 Issue No. 477 
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Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
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Al-Ahram Weekly 13 - 19 April 2000 Issue No. 477
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| Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
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Egypt Region International Economy Opinion Culture Books Features Travel Living Sports Profile People Time Out Chronicles Cartoons Letters Where loyalties lie
By Mohamed El-DessoukiThe exceptional circumstances created by a sudden stroke suffered by Japan's Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi last week have thrown Japanese political circles into a state of disarray and confusion.
With the prime minister in a coma last Sunday night, a clear and viable alternative to Obuchi was not immediately available. The ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), fearing the instability that could ensue from a delay in the transition of authority, was eager to name a successor.
Japan is facing several immediate problems, including the eruption of Mount Usu on the northern Japanese island of Hokkaido, a still-struggling economy and preparations for Japan's hosting of the G7 summit in Okinawa this July. The situation prompted an unusually rapid response, with Obuchi's cabinet dissolving itself on Tuesday and the LDP naming its secretary-general, Yoshiro Mori, as leader on Wednesday. By Wednesday afternoon, Mori was officially elected prime minister.
But perhaps the initial jumble was uncalled for. After all, the choice of Mori as successor signifies a commitment to continuity in both political and economic policy by Japan's establishment. The choice also shows that the old guard of Japanese politics are still firmly entrenched, evidenced even in the way Mori was chosen.
High-ranking party officials did not even have Mori short-listed for the post. Meeting shortly after Obuchi was taken ill, the post was offered to Kiichi Miyazawa, an 80-year-old ex-prime minister and the current finance minister; to Yohei Kono, vice-secretary of the party; and to another party member, Hiromu Nonaka. All three turned down the offer before Mori's name was even suggested.
Aside from pledging business as usual, little can be said for what mark Mori will make as Japan's 85th prime minister -- many claim he will serve as little more than a place-holder until general elections are called.
There are three fundamental reasons for the choice of Yoshiro Mori. The first is Japan's outmoded tradition of extreme discipline within the party ranks and loyalty to the chosen LDP leader. Mori has climbed the ranks as a loyal party member, and his naming is widely considered to be a reward for faithful service to the party and his close relations with former Prime Minister Obuchi, rather than a decision based on his ability to serve in the post.
Whoever dares to challenge this tradition pays dearly, a creed well exemplified by the case of Kochi Kato, leader of the second largest faction in the LDP. Kato insisted on challenging Obuchi for the post of party leader a year ago. When he was defeated, Kato was blacklisted by the party's old guard and punished for his disloyalty; his faction was denied ministerial posts and he was excluded from candidacy for the post of prime minister after the turn in Obuchi's health.
Mori was also selected because of his long and much-acclaimed experience; he has served in the parliament for over 30 years, having been reelected to his seat nine times. He is widely applauded as a skilful tactician who prefers to work behind the scenes. The practice is traditionally favoured by Japanese politicians, who usually prefer to agree on things behind closed doors so as not to lose face in the public arena. And yet Mori's career has not been spotless. He was implicated in the late '80s "stock-for-favours" scandal and his relative inexperience in foreign policy has raised some questions.
Finally, a crucial factor in Mori's election is that he has strong links with the New Komeito party, which represents the biggest Buddhist sect in Japan and has had tremendous political influence in the country over the past decade.
