Al-Ahram Weekly   Al-Ahram Weekly
4 - 10 May 2000
Issue No. 480
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Divided it will stand

By Mustafa El-Fiqi *

Mustafa El-Fiqi For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has played an influential role in shaping Egypt's political, social and cultural history. Al-Azhar, however, has also been a beacon for the Arab and Islamic world, and, perhaps, beyond. I recall that when I was ambassador to Austria, the Islamic Academy in Vienna chose Al-Azhar as an academic and religious supervisory body. The selection was only natural in light of the centuries of uninterrupted activity of this illustrious institution, in addition to the fact that it is the only Islamic university that teaches all the major recognised schools of Islamic jurisprudence.

Over its extensive history, Al-Azhar acquired a reputation of intrepidity in the face of despots and invaders, establishing it in the Egyptian consciousness as the first and proper course of appeal to the nation's rulers. It was, perhaps, a natural result of this record of political autonomy that this prominent religious institution could be found at the forefront of Egyptian and Arab nationalist struggles in the 20th century. The place of Al-Azhar is engraved in the history of the 1919 Revolution, during which Coptic and Muslim clergymen stood side by side calling for popular solidarity in the face of British colonial rule, an action reminiscent of a similar stance taken just over a century before against the tyranny of the officers of the French occupation. Nor will the Egyptian people forget the day when President Abdel-Nasser ascended the pulpit of Al-Azhar to exhort the Egyptian people to unity at the time of the Tripartite Aggression in 1956.

Although Al-Azhar was originally founded during the Fatimid era as a major Shi'ite congregational mosque, it eventually developed into the world's primary citadel of Sunni Islam. At the same time, it was able to offer instruction in all schools of Islamic theology and jurisprudence, even the jurisprudence of Twelver Shi'ism.

It is interesting to note, too, that the layout of Al-Azhar inspired the European concept of the university 'faculty.' The mosque and its annexes are divided into various wings, or riwaqs, to accommodate the various schools of Islamic theology or in accordance with the students' geographical origin. We thus have, for example, Al-Riwaq Al-Hanbali and Al-Riwaq Al-Shaf'i, as well as the North African and Levantine wings. The concept of department 'chair' is also derived from the system of education in Al-Azhar, whereby a sheikh would deliver his lectures to students gathered around him while seated next to one of the mosque's many columns.

Al-Azhar is the only university of its kind to embrace among its staff of scholars and administrators Muslims from various quarters of the Islamic world, without regard for national origin. Thus, for example, in the 1950s, the rector of Al-Azhar was Al-Khidari Hussein from Tunisia, while Sheikh Nada Al-Hassan, from Sudan, served as the deputy rector and the dean of the Faculty of Jurisprudence was from Syria.

In light of the foregoing, I would like to make two fundamental appeals. The first is that the rector of Al-Azhar be considered a member of the Islamic Research Academy regardless of his country of origin, since Islam does not discriminate on the basis of ethnic or national origin. This membership would furnish Al-Azhar with the autonomy and leverage necessary to counter extremism and rectify misconception about the nature and teachings of Islam, besides lending it a special status with respect to other major institutions of the other divinely revealed religions.

My second appeal is for the restructuring of Al-Azhar University, so as to restrict it to the traditional colleges dedicated to instruction of Islamic jurisprudence, law, philosophy, Arabic and other such subjects, as well as to contemporary colleges for the study of modern jurisprudence and the history of Arab-Islamic culture and civilisation. As for the colleges of engineering, medicine, science, agriculture and other such practical and theoretical subjects, these could be placed under the separate administration of what might be called the Islamic University, which would open its doors to Muslims and non-Muslims alike. Even if the curriculum of the proposed Islamic University requires the memorisation or comprehension of certain portions of the Qur'an, by separating the religious from the secular colleges in this manner, Al-Azhar will be able to offer an equal opportunity to all Egyptians to pursue the various branches of university education, while simultaneously preserving the religious character of the two educational institutions into which it will evolve.

I had tabled these two proposals at a public lecture, precipitating extensive commentary. In fact, 'Aqidati magazine offered itself as a forum for debate and I recall that, while most members of Al-Azhar who wrote to this periodical supported my first suggestion, views were divided over the second, particularly as regards whether the proposed Islamic University should accept non-Muslim students. In spite of this contention, I still believe that the proposal is worthy of consideration and further study. As Imam Al-Shaf'i said, "We have seen right give rise to error, but others have seen error give rise to right."

I would like to add here that the position of rector of Al-Azhar is a very eminent position in the Islamic world. Indeed, President Hosni Mubarak issued instructions to the effect that invitations to this religious official must be issued by personages of no lesser stature than that of head of state or prime minister. Moreover, many heads of state in the Islamic world personally received the rector of Al-Azhar upon his arrival to their countries, while the protocol for official functions in Egypt places the position of rector of Al-Azhar immediately after that of the prime minister.

I strongly believe that the support we give to Islamic and Christian institutions in Egypt will contribute greatly to countering extremism and stemming the tide of religiously inspired violence, while simultaneously projecting a healthy image of religion and religious practices.

It is for this reason that I believe that the rector of Al-Azhar should be guaranteed autonomous powers, subject only to the dictates of his conscience as shaped by his erudition in Islamic culture and civilisation. The rector's position is one of great influence, since after all the wealthy body of Islamic law inherently affects all aspects of daily life, from birth through marriage to the disposal of estates after death. As such, I feel that it is vital to enhance and elevate the status and stature of this sublime and lofty seat in the edifice of Islam.


* The writer is an expert on Egyptian politics and history and a top ranking diplomat.

 

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