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Al-Ahram Weekly 25 - 31 May 2000 Issue No. 483 
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Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
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Al-Ahram Weekly 25 - 31 May 2000 Issue No. 483
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| Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
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Egypt Region International Economy Opinion Culture Focus Features Travel Living Sports Profile People Time Out Chronicles Cartoons Letters In the way of truth
By Omayma Abdel-Latif
The past two weeks have not been easy for Culture Minister Farouk Hosni. Unlike those who believe that he has emerged unscathed from yet another campaign against him, Hosni feels that this has been the fiercest of them all, and that its impact lingers on.
"I receive death threats on my desk every day as well as defamation faxes," says the minister, who has been responsible for the culture portfolio for more than a decade now. "But some battles you just have to ignore," he added.
Speaking to Al-Ahram Weekly at his elegant office in Zamalek, the 60-year-old Hosni, appeared composed, but kept punching the air with his fists as he responded to the accusations levelled against him.
It has repeatedly been said that he is much irritated by the critics of his policies. And his irritation appeared to be justified. For, in addition to the smear campaign against him by Al-Shaab newspaper, he has been accused of misusing state resources by authorising the republication of the Haydar Haydar novel, Walima La'shab Al-Bahr (A Banquet for Seaweed), which allegedly held Islamic symbols in contempt. He was also accused of ignoring the religious sensitivities of Muslims, making contradictory statements and failing to efficiently handle a delicate situation. He was even accused by some intellectuals of bowing to pressure brought to bear on him by conservatives.
Hosni dismissed these accusations as "complete rubbish" and described Al-Shaab's smear campaign as "vile." When the news came that the publication of the newspaper had been suspended, he made no effort to contain a sigh of relief.
For the past few months, Hosni has found himself locked in conflict with those who claim he insulted Muslim sentiments by his controversial policies. "Personally, had I found the novel to be offensive, as Al-Shaab claimed, I would not have remained silent about it. I, as a Muslim who wants to protect his religion, would have stopped its publication," Hosni said.
Asked whether he thought the freedom of creativity and expression had no ceiling, Hosni spent some time searching for an answer. "No," he eventually responded, "it is constrained by the value system prevailing in the social context in which this freedom is exercised."
This is precisely the point which many Islamists have raised in their critique of the novel. Hosni responded by saying that "they did not grasp the wider meaning of creativity and knew nothing about the techniques of fiction writing."
"The novel featured both blasphemous characters and their faithful counterparts, and it was this contradiction that was the focus of the author's attention. The novel did not feature blasphemous material only. And it was through this contradiction that ideas were exchanged," he explained.
"The Qur'an includes the arguments of the non-believers as well as the counter-argument of God, the prophets and the believers. Nobody ever said that because the Qur'an carried the arguments of the non-believers, people would have doubts about their faith and sacred symbols. On the contrary, it shows how weak the argument of the non-believers is, once it is refuted by that of the believers," Hosni added.
This line of reasoning did not carry weight, however, with a committee set up by Al-Azhar to review the novel. Hosni said the committee's critical report should have been expected. Responding to the committee's argument that the Culture Ministry should have sought Al-Azhar's permission in the first place to republish the novel, Hosni said: "Why should we? This is not a religious book. It is not a book on Islamic thought; it is a novel. Moreover, its entry into the country was approved some 17 years ago by the committee responsible for the censorship of publications, which is affiliated to the Ministry of Information. We only re-printed it."
photos: Khaled El-Fiqi
Hosni disclosed that some figures in the religious establishment refrained from cooperating with Culture Ministry officials in assessing the novel. A committee which he established to review the novel included big names such as Ahmed Heikal, a former culture minister, and Ahmed Omar Hashim, president of the Al-Azhar university and head of the People's Assembly's committee on religious affairs.
Their contribution, Hosni feels, would have been invaluable. But Heikal turned down the assignment, and Hashim did not show up for the committee's first meeting. Later, Hashim submitted a critical report, in the name of parliament's religious affairs committee, which shocked intellectuals.
Hosni argued that the smear campaign against him and the novel had nothing to do with religion or culture. "No one dares to question the sanctity of religious symbols. Everybody acknowledges that Islam is greatly venerated in this country. I would place this controversy in the framework of political rivalry. Because election time is approaching, it is a great asset for them [the Labour Party] to undermine the authority of the government by forcing one of its members to resign. It is a matter of settling personal accounts and conflicting political interests."
Hosni stressed that it was not his personal responsibility to choose the novels that are published by the ministry. "The minister does not choose the novels. They are selected by a group of thinkers who are constrained by certain red lines, the most important of which is that the text does not include indecent language and does not deride religion," he said.
Hosni did not conceal his frustration with the way the Egyptian media covered the controversy. It was the Arab satellite channels, and not Egyptian television, that gave adequate air time to the issue. "A serious issue like that should have been given better coverage by Egyptian television, but it was under-reported. The country was on the verge of a major crisis, with society polarised and divided in two camps, but the media acted as if they were broadcasting from another country. They did not appear to know what was going on," Hosni said. "This was not politically wise at all, particularly in a country where the majority is illiterate. A proper TV coverage would have made things different. People needed to know the truth. People needed to know that politics stood in the way of the truth," he added.
Hosni vaguely referred to "differences of opinion" between cabinet ministers on how the issue should be handled, but did not go into specifics. He, nevertheless, affirmed that he had "the full backing of the political leadership."
The approach of intellectuals did not fare any better in Hosni's view. He described their discourse on the issue as "too elitist".
"In defending the freedom of expression, they did not address the common man, the young people, who were used by these extremist elements. They rather kept to themselves and the matter appeared to be a confrontation between a handful of secular intellectuals and the entire nation whose sacred symbols were said to have been violated," the minister said.
It is certain that an onerous and time-consuming task is awaiting Hosni. He has to revamp the image of his ministry that was damaged by the fiery campaign of Al-Shaab. And Hosni is certainly aware of that. His most immediate concern is to end the polarisation which the controversy inflicted on the country. "We should not allow anyone to divide this country. For we all share the same hopes and concerns," he said.
Hosni conceded that a rational dialogue between the parties concerned would have benefited all sides. Thus, an intellectual rapprochement between the religious establishment, intellectuals, and the ministry is now called for. He hopes to draw up a much needed strategy for cultural action, envisioning what he called "a project of enlightenment." He would not elaborate, but said that a gathering of Egyptian intellectuals will be organised in the coming few days to prepare the agenda. According to the minister, this project will include thinkers from across the cultural spectrum. Hosni does not consider the inclusion of Islamists to be a sign of bowing to pressure by conservative elements. He rather prefers to put it within the framework of a larger attempt to act constructively with members of the religious establishment and Islamist thinkers. It is also an attempt to accommodate two cultural orientations, he said.
Hosni denied that the activities of his ministry were elitist, but conceded that a large segment of society -- young people -- are marginalised politically and culturally. "It is time they knew of their political rights; they should be taught that there is a discrepancy between the supremacy of law and anarchy and they also should have a more responsible attitude," Hosni said.
Why is it then that some of his controversial policies have overshadowed the contributions he made to the activities of the culture ministry? "People often think that I don't have convictions because I don't fit into the conventional picture of a cabinet minister, but," he reasserted, "this is mostly politics standing in the way of truth."
