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Al-Ahram Weekly 10 - 16 August 2000 Issue No. 494 
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Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
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Al-Ahram Weekly 10 - 16 August 2000 Issue No. 494
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| Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
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Egypt Region International Economy Opinion Culture Books Travel Living Sports Profile People Time Out Chronicles Cartoons Firing rainbow ammunition
By Kareem Fahim
The Republicans uncorked their summer surprise last week, and party members bathed in bubbles of George W Bush's "compassionate conservatism," euphoric at their candidate's healthy lead in polls. Sticking to a tight, unifying script, a positively affable Republican Party sought to convince America how likeable (and like Bill Clinton) they really have become.
The Grand Old Party (GOP) convention in Philadelphia capped weeks of polishing a retooled Republican Party that is battle-ready, according to its members, for the November election contest with Democratic Vice President Al Gore.
The revamped GOP appears on the surface virtually unrecognisable to voters. An updated party platform contains conciliatory, centrist language, calling for added government resources for education (platforms in previous years called for the abolishment of the Department of Education). At the convention, Hispanics, educators, women and African Americans buttressed claims by candidate George W Bush of a "party of idealism and inclusion." But a confetti-thin veneer of tolerance barely disguised the efforts of a legion of spin doctors remaking the image of the party. Language and appearance were the dynamics in heavy flux for Republicans. Conservatives seemed pleased with the makeover. "I don't think the conservative vision has changed," one told The New York Times. "I think the conservative rhetoric has changed to make it more conciliatory."
It was the successful Clinton-Gore bid in 1992 that provided inspiration for Bush's appeal to the so-called political "centre". Democrats, like this year's Republicans, then regarded recapturing the presidency an imperative. Clinton, like Bush this year, realised he would need to appeal to more than his party's traditional base of support in order to win. For Clinton, it meant leaning to the right, often despite protests from the party faithful. George W Bush has crafted himself as the capable, moderate head of a gentler party in order to perform the same trick.
Nineteen ninety-two, however, was a much different year. President George Bush Sr, for all his "success" in defeating Iraq during the Gulf War, presided over a nagging recession and budget deficits. Clinton's centre re-alignment of the party perfectly complemented his anti-Bush Sr rhetoric that year. Governor Mario Cuomo told America that Clinton was the only choice, "because the ship of state is headed for the rocks. The crew knows it. The passengers know it. Only the captain of the ship, President Bush, appears not to know it."
Beyond ignoring the political climate in 1992, Bush's recycled campaign strategy underestimates the Clinton-Gore record.
On the one hand, the Republican contender needs to repair the tarnish to his own party. The damage, inflicted by the leaders of the so-called Republican "revolution" like Newt Gingrich and Henry Hyde during the impeachment of President Clinton, represents for Americans the most politically divisive episode in recent memory. In his speech to the nation in Philadelphia, Bush wisely distanced himself from the fray. "I have no stake in the bitter arguments of the last few years," he said. "I want to change the tone of Washington to one of civility and respect."
But Bush does not have the luxury of saving a sinking ship of state. Indeed, the Clinton administration has presided over several years of economic prosperity, and enjoys unusually high approval ratings. Instead, he and his operatives, under the cover of sniper fire aimed at the incumbent administration's "lack of vision," have meticulously calculated the impact of each Republican speech, event, and decision on corresponding segments of the electorate.
Those calculations, of course, are nothing new in partisan, democratic politics, and certainly not unique to this contest. But the race run by the Bush campaign appears, perhaps necessarily, unburdened by issues of substance, except those that serve some function in the service of the campaign's image.
The selection of former Defense Secretary Dick Cheney as Bush's running mate seemed to initially defy the logic of positive image-making. Cheney, criticised by the Gore campaign as a "vivid picture of old guard Republicanism," was placed on the defensive almost immediately. During his years in Congress, Cheney had voted against the Equal Rights Amendment, gun control, and sanctions against the Apartheid government of South Africa. At the very least, Bush's choice seemed to clash with his compassionate campaign.
In the political calculation of Republicans, however, Cheney is a perfect choice. Besides appealing to the conservative base of the party, he provides the weight critics have said Governor Bush lacks.
The draft Republican Party platform released last week, despite the gurglings of political commentators, contained no great surprises. The platform, which outlines the Party's positions on issues ranging from education and abortion rights to gun control and homosexuals in the military, was hailed by Governor Tommy G Thompson, head of the platform committee, as "visionary and uplifting." It was trumpeted in headlines as a personal triumph for Bush, one he crafted while beating off the influential right-wing of the party.
Far more conspicuous than changes to the document was what remained, including the statement that "homosexuality is incompatible with military service," and other attacks on gay rights, as well as a lack of movement on the long-standing anti-abortion plank. The platform also calls for strengthening existing gun laws, a sign of Republican proximity to the National Rifle Association (NRA), the influential gun-lobbying organisation.
At the convention last week, a parade of minority speakers and salsa music underscored new demographic realities. In November, it is estimated that the crucial big states Florida, California and New York will boast 5.6 million African Americans of voting age, and 12.7 million Hispanics. Women could represent as much as 52 per cent of the voting-age population in this election. The Republican rainbow coalition included an openly gay senator, several African Americans, including Colin Powell, and George P Bush, the Latino nephew of George W.
The convention, for all its colour, was more of the same, charged Al Gore. "Confetti and klieg lights," he said. In reality, it was much more, and if Republicans have added all up correctly, it will mean the presidency in November.
