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Al-Ahram Weekly 31 August - 6 September 2000 Issue No. 497 
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Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
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Al-Ahram Weekly 31 August - 6 September 2000 Issue No. 497
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| Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
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Egypt Region International Economy Opinion Culture Travel Living Sports Profile People Time Out Chronicles Cartoons Letters
Somalia's National Peace and Reconciliation Conference in Djibouti and Nigeria's return to civilian rule are shining examples of democracy taking a tenuous hold in Africa. Formidable problems still lie ahead with militarism, home-grown and foreign, threatening to nip the promising trends in the bud, writes Gamal Nkrumah
Heaven help us
Last weekend, Nigeria rolled out the red carpet for US President Bill Clinton, but the true nature of the relationship that is now emerging between the world's superpower and Africa's sleeping giant cannot be swept under the rug
United States President Bill Clinton is a real wheeler dealer. All good politicians must be, I suppose. As if Africa hasn't caught on already, Clinton has been hawking his thesis about democratisation and economic liberalisation, and nowhere more vigorously than in Africa. Clinton is a tough and well armed politician who is not in the habit of spending a weekend in a foreign country simply to pay tribute to its leaders for engineering a smooth transition to democracy. Clinton has precious little time left for his tenure in office to terminate, and his trip to Nigeria earned him handsome returns. Not only did he clinch a strategically important deal to revamp, train in peace-keeping, and arm the Nigerian military, but his Nigerian counterpart President Olusegun Obasanjo also gave him the green light to go ahead and construct what will soon be Washington's largest airbase in Africa at Gulumba in the northern Nigerian state of Bornu. Gulumba is as close as you can get to the geographical centre of the African continent. An ideal location: sandwiched between Chad, Nigeria and Cameroon. And, one that renders most African countries, north, east, west and central at striking distance.
It is not hard to understand what game Clinton is playing. The first batch of eventually some 2,000 US Army Special Forces troops arrived in Nigeria ahead of Clinton's visit, ostensibly to train five Nigerian peace-keeping battalions for eventual rapid deployment in neighbouring trouble spots like Sierra Leone. Plans are also afoot for constructing a naval base in the Bight of Benin -- Nigerian papers recently reported that US marines already patrol Nigerian waters as a prelude to establishing more permanent naval facilities. The US was dealt a sobering blow in 1993 when 18 US marines were killed in Somalia by the notoriously anti-imperialist warlord Mohamed Farah Aideed. Since then, Washington has had little time for military misadventures in Africa. But the US has apparently had a change of heart. Washington is fast making up for lost time and is returning to Africa with a vengeance. This time round, Washington aims at closer military collaboration with friendly African states. US troops have also arrived in neighbouring Ghana on a similar mission.
So the stage is regrettably set for Africa's recolonisation. In Nigeria, the drums rolled, as traditional dancers keeping to the beat bobbed up and down. Bending over backwards to make Clinton feel at home, roly-poly Obasanjo kept the party swinging. Obasanjo spent $50 million on Clinton's visit, without obtaining at least the customary approval of Nigeria's National Assembly. And Clinton, never one to be outshone, kept popping up with new revelations about the new partnership between the US and Nigeria at every official engagement during his three-day visit to the 125 million-strong west African country.
What is the most fruitful foreign policy activity of Clinton's eight years in office? The answer is Africa. At the beginning of his term in office, Africa hardly featured on Washington's foreign policy agenda. Clinton goes down in history as the only American president to tour the continent twice during his presidency. Only one of his predecessors ever visited Africa in an official capacity during his presidency. Jimmy Carter headed out to Nigeria in 1978. Still reeling from the Lewinsky affair, Clinton was something of a figure of ridicule when he last toured Africa a couple of years ago. But Clinton nonetheless considers Africa his playground.
Nigeria is perhaps the single most important country in Africa. It has a fifth of Africa's population and vast economic potential. Yet, ten months after two decades of military dictatorship, Nigeria is teetering on the brink of a socio-economic abyss. Nigerians are urged to forget about their social and economic woes and take heart because the world's most powerful president is paying them a three-day visit. Nigeria has hitherto neglected the commercial exploitation of its potentially lucrative agriculture sector as its economy is dangerously oil-dependent. Nor has it seriously developed its full industrial potential in spite of its huge market. As the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries' (OPEC) sixth largest producer, Nigeria has vast reserves of oil and could wield much influence over determining oil prices. Many observers believe that Nigeria's oil pricing policy featured prominently on Clinton's agenda. The US wants OPEC to reduce oil prices ahead of September's OPEC summit meeting in the Venezuelan capital Caracas. Nigeria has not yet made its position clear.
The US is the biggest importer of Nigerian crude oil. US-based oil corporations like Chevron and Mobil control much of Nigeria's oil sector and have come under increasing criticism for their ruinous exploitation of Nigeria's oil wealth. "Some of the world's worst human rights abuses are taking place in [the Niger Delta] in the name of oil," warned an editorial of the Nigerian daily The Guardian on the eve of President Clinton's visit. The paper demanded to know why foreign multinational corporations were "indifferent to environmental safeguards that are mandatory in their home countries."
Debt was one issue where Clinton publicly disputed his host. "I make a special appeal to you to appropriate funds for debt cancellation," President Obasanjo pleaded with Clinton. The US President rejected Obasanjo's plea. "Heaven helps only those sincerely ready to help themselves," Clinton told Nigeria's parliamentarians. Instead Clinton offered a $1.2 billion loans guarantee. Since the country's return to civilian rule, US assistance to Nigeria has increased and is expected to reach $108 million by the end of the year. Nigeria's $30 billion debt burden is exacerbating the country's economic difficulties, fueling social discontent and threatening to derail its nascent democratic process.
But US aid comes with strings attached. US Deputy Secretary of Labour Edward Montgomery $4.3 million dollar technical assistance project to Nigeria, including a $2 million project to train trade unions and employers in labour laws and a further $1 million for eliminating child labour -- a prerequisite for Nigeria to qualify for assistance under the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). AGOA has been severely criticised by a number of African leaders including former South African President Nelson Mandela and his successor Thabo Mbeki. Nigeria has officially been more willingly compliant, even though the Nigerian press has been highly critical of AGOA.
The other bone of contention is the question of fighting corruption in Nigeria. A politically explosive issue that has pitted the executive against the legislature. Obasanjo publicly upbraided the legislators for awarding themselves illegal salaries. But not everybody in Nigeria is convinced of the Obasanjo government's record so far. The Lagos-based Nigerian human rights lawyer Gani Fawehinmi weighed in with a sensible warning. "Disenchantment with the democratic process is growing in Nigeria," he told Al-Ahram Weekly. "The one man who stands as an obstacle to the process of democratisation is Obasanjo. Since he came to power, the country has slid into a state of anarchy and bloodletting. We in Nigeria have suffered communal clashes, ethnic conflict and religious wars. Obasanjo has not initiated any programme to redistribute the dividends of democracy to the man on the street."
Fawehinmi told the Weekly that the clash between the president and the parliament is indicative of the deepening social malaise. "Some 98 per cent of budgetary allocation is disbursed by the Executive and only two per cent by the National Assembly. Obasanjo wanted to emasculate parliament and assume total dictatorial powers," he said. Fawehinmi calls for radical legal and constitutional reforms to buttress Nigeria's nascent democracy. The director of the Lagos-based Constitutional Rights Project Clement Nwankwo concurs. "Obasanjo's government still has a long way to go in terms of constitutional reforms that would address the socio-economic and political needs of the people."
According to Fawehinmi, Obasanjo has refused to publicise the findings of reports investigating the corruption of previous military rulers. General Ibrahim Babangida is at the centre of a looting controversy. "The president is protecting the country's former military rulers," Fawehinmi said, "He owes his position to them. The generals are kingmakers in Nigeria today. Obasanjo has not brought the military leaders who looted the country to book. He has not made any effort to charge them before the courts. Obasanjo hoodwinked the international community about the true nature of his anti-corruption campaign. It is about entrenching the president's dictatorial powers."
The Nigerian state, especially under military rule, has acted as a massive engine for the redistribution of wealth in favour of the elites, and especially senior office holders. So yes, the triumph of multi-party democracy in Nigeria might be considered in many quarters a partial success story -- one that is still unfolding. But, there will undoubtedly be more pitfalls as long as Nigeria labours under a crippling debt. Africa must reassess the way in which it relates to the US. Holding out the begging bowl will not do. Clinton's interest in African affairs is commendable -- it is so refreshingly different from his predecessors. But, Clinton must make those good intentions stick. Self-interest should see that it does.
"Clinton even brought along generators from the US to provide electricity for his party during his three-day stay in Nigeria. This in itself is an indictment against the Obasanjo regime. Our country suffers paralysing power cuts. What businessman in his right mind will invest in such a country as ours," Fawehinmi asked in exasperation.
Give peace a chance
Somalia's newly elected president has a vision for his war-torn country -- peace and unity. Will his feuding brethren afford him the chance?
Abdul-Kassim Salat Hassan was sworn in as President of Somalia early Monday morning in Arta, Djibouti. As the seasoned politician led his people in prayer for peace immediately after the swearing-in ceremony, he beamed an optimism that indicated fear of failure had not entered his mind. "I will work for peace to prevail in Somalia and form a government of national unity that will incorporate all the various factions and political groups," declared the newly-elected Somali president. He did not, however, specify a date for the formation of his government.
Salat, who was elected on Saturday by the 245-strong transitional parliament, served successively as minister of industry, trade, labour, information and interior under the late Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre between 1973 and 1990. Salat is also a member of the largest Somali tribe, the Hawiye, to which several warlords belong. It is widely hoped that Salat's election will usher in a new chapter in the war-ravaged east African country's history.
Somalia slipped into political chaos and anarchy after the ousting of Barre in a military coup in 1991 and feuding warlords usurped power in different regions and cities of the sprawling east African country. Several warlords are entrenched in the Somali capital Mogadishu fighting fiercely among themselves for turf. Indeed, even as Salat was sworn in fighting erupted in Mogadishu. Foremost among the embattled Mogadishu warlords is leader of the Somali National Alliance Hussein Aideed, whose father led the anti-American campaign that resulted in the killing of 18 United States marines and the pulling out of all US troops from the country in 1993.
The complete breakdown of law and order was halted with the consolidation of power of some of the factional leaders especially in the north of the country where two self-declared republics: Somaliland in the northwest and Puntland in the northeast. Both Somaliland and Puntland, which have not been recognised by the international community, have denounced Salat's election and said that they do not acknowledge him as leader.
It is easier for certain warlords to see political advantage in opposing the Arta conference, but it is not a populist approach. Perhaps they wish to underscore the fact that they are central to any solution. Still, there are practical limits. Their credibility involves initially the reduction of hostilities on the ground. If in the coming few weeks the warlords fail to overcome their differences, they must map out a credible strategy that limits the damage of their failure to attend the Arta conference. They must also maintain the momentum for national reconciliation and lasting peace. Would it not have been more sensible for them to join the peace bandwagon? Neither will the warlords' stubbornness win them any regional or international support, judging from the impressive show of solidarity by the regional heads of state and international dignitaries assembled in Arta to support Somalia's new president.
Salat's election has the seal of approval of all of Somalia's neighbours who issued a joint statement re-iterating that they uphold Somalia's territorial integrity and unity. Western powers also welcomed the election of Salat and sent emissaries to represent them at celebrations marking the occasion in Arta, where the Somali National Peace and Reconciliation Conference bringing together delegates represented key segments of Somali civil society, including tribal and clan elders, women's and youth organisations, labour unions, professional associations, business and religious leaders.
The new Somali government, or the National Transitional Authority, will first sit in the central Somali city of Baidoa, until security sufficiently improves in Mogadishu and the capital's rival warlords are included in the peace deal. Eritrean President Issaias Afeworki, Sudanese President Omar Hassan Al-Bashir, Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh were in attendance. Also present was Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, whose backing of the newly-elected president is deemed necessary to any final settlement of the Somali political crisis.
The large Egyptian delegation at the swearing-in ceremony was headed by Ambassador Ibrahim Ali Hassan, assistant foreign minister for African affairs. "Egypt is closely following developments in Somalia and is satisfied with the positive results of the Arta conference," said Ambassador Hassan. He also urged all Somali leaders to assist in the rebuilding of Somalia state institutions. The Egyptian delegation to Arta also included Egypt's Ambassador to Djibouti Khaled Othman and Ambassador Mahmoud Mustafa, assistant foreign minister for Horn of Africa affairs.
A coterie of international dignitaries lined up at Arta for the occasion. France was represented by Cooperation Minister Charles Josselin, and many other Western countries by senior diplomats. United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan praised Djibouti's peacemaking efforts and lent his support for the newly-elected Somali president. Annan, whose message was read out by the UN envoy to Somalia, said that the swearing in ceremony "marks an important milestone in the efforts of the Somali people to re-establish Somalia as a member of the community of nations through an inclusive consultative process."
The warlords must be co-opted. While they grit their teeth and stay on the treadmill of a battered Somalia, they insist that others cannot get on it. Discreet and tactful pressure by the international community and friendly neighbours are prerequisite. But patience is of the essence. The process is more likely to succeed if it is tackled slowly, stage by stage, and without trying to pre-empt the nature of any final agreement that marginalises the warlords. The warlords must understand that in the past they were all being played off against each other, and that the chances of anyone gaining have always been slender.
