Al-Ahram Weekly On-line   Al-Ahram Weekly On-line
21 - 27 September 2000
Issue No. 500
Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 Issues navigation Current Issue Previous Issue Back Issues

 
Front Page
  Menue
   
 
  SEARCH
 

'Opposition is not about loud voices'

Rifaat El-Said
Rifaat El-Said
Rifaat El-Said is Secretary-General of the Tagammu, he heads the party's politburo and is an appointed member to the Shura Council. He began his career of political activism in the 1950s by joining the illegal communist organisation, the Democratic Movement for National Liberation (HADETO), and has spent a total of 14 years in prison for his political convictions. With a PhD in history, El-Said is known as the most prolific historian of the communist movement in Egypt

The opposition has repeatedly exposed malpractices in the election process, and yet the Tagammu has once again decided to contest the ballot. Why?

If you dismiss the old option of insurrection, what option are you left with other than to look towards parliament as the means of realising political change. And we have decided to teach ourselves, the public and the government a lesson in the importance of parliament, irrespective of the difficulties involved.

Also, our experience has shown that even a limited number of MPs can make their voice hear and have a great impact. This is why in this year's electoral campaign we are putting much store by our record in the out-going Assembly. [El-Said is referring in particular to a pamphlet published by the party entitled Our representatives in Parliament, a compilation of speeches by Tagammu MPs]. We depend on this highly effective form of participation to vaccinate both rulers and the ruled; to inject them with the vaccine of democracy.

What makes the elections this year different from previous ballots, either regarding the internal workings of the party or the political environment in general?

On the general level, there is judicial supervision. Of course, this is not enough because the judge is in front of the ballot box and police and thugs are everywhere else. There are also administrative procedures that may undermine judicial supervision, but we believe that an important step has been taken because no polling station will be able to report a 105 per cent turnout now and my father, who died in 1975, will not continue to cast his vote.

But I want to point out that spending on election campaigns has reached insane proportions. Why? Some people may think that it is for prestige, but this is not true. The crux of the matter is business; people spend a lot of money to make even more money. I warn the government that it will be confronted by members of parliament who bought their seats only to generate greater corruption.

... and what about the Tagammu? How do you fund your campaigns?

Through donations from members and friends. Here is a 100 pound note that just came in. So, how can we have the same opportunities as those who spend millions? I have requested many times that we set ground rules for election funding and expenditure, otherwise our crooked democracy will become even more crooked.

Let us go back to the basic features of this year's elections on the party level.

Yes, we are much more capable and efficient this year. We were the first party to publish an election platform; actually we are the only one to do so until now; also we are the first party to announce its list of candidates. Thirdly, we have published a book which explains our performance in parliament. Finally, on the ground, we have begun campaigning and our posters are out. Our candidates this time are more enthusiastic because they have faith in the judiciary.

It is claimed that the Tagammu has been transformed from a confrontational kind of opposition party to a government-accommodating one. How do you read the changes that occurred in the party over the past 10 years?

Our role in parliament has been that of opposition. Opposition is not about loud voices. For example, in 1987 a large number of Muslim Brotherhood and Labour Party members joined parliament and started screaming their opposition at the top of their voices. And yet, for five years they supported the government [economic reform] plan and the government budget. So where is the opposition if they agree to the government plan?

For five years, we have not only opposed the government plan but also offered an alternative.

Of course, we have changed -- there is no party that can remain the same. For example, our first platform spoke of the consolidation and support of the public sector, then reality changed and we had to adapt, so we changed that to the "protection of the public sector." Then we called for the "defence" of the public sector and now that the public sector has been practically sold, we call for "the preservation of organisations and institutions of national importance."

Politicians change their positions in accordance with the changes on the ground. People would laugh at me if I went onto the street and called for socialist policies. That would be demodé.

Will you coordinate with other political parties in the upcoming elections?

We have met with the Nasserists, but in some constituencies there will be candidates from the two parties running against each other. However, we agreed that rival candidates should deal with each other democratically. Also, in constituencies where one party has a candidate and the other does not, there will be mutual support.

And how about coordination with the Muslim Brotherhood, especially after the Tagammu's programme was changed to call for the right of all political forces to have legal political parties?

We never accepted the principle of mixing religion with politics. We have given our candidates the right to choose who to coordinate with in their electoral constituencies. With one exception: they are not allowed to coordinate with representatives of the Islamist movement.

Is the Tagammu still a leftist party? And if so, in what sense?

There is not a single prototype for what is a leftist party and consequently I still believe we are one. I mean we are to the left of all existing parties. We are a party calling for socialism in the long run. Just because the battle for socialism is deferred, it does not mean we are belated socialists.

How do you interpret your appointment by the president to the Shura Council?

The Tagammu contested the Shura Council elections for the first time in 1996. Two members ran for election, but failed. The party submitted five names to the President of the Republic who has the right to appoint as many as 70 members. I was chosen.

Whether the choice was right should be judged by the quality of my performance. Recently, I re-read my speeches to the Council on the [now repealed] Press Law 93 for 1996 and I could not believe myself! How was I such a hard-liner and how were my colleagues [at the Council] able to put up with what I had to say?

There are those who claim that in running Tagammu affairs, Rifaat El-Said is a dictator?

Every position in this party is filled by election, and decisions are taken by committees that function democratically, not by individuals.

There is, of course, the question of charisma. For example, Khaled Mohieddin is a charismatic figure, so whenever there are internal party elections members come up against a psychological barrier that keeps them from considering alternative candidates.

In order to deal with this problem we introduced new amendments to the party statutes by virtue of which no party member can hold the same post more than two consequtive rounds. This means that neither Mohieddin, nor I nor Hussein [Abdel-Razek] will be able to remain in our posts after the next congress.


Down to earth with few grassroots
Realism on the left 2 - 8 November 1995
See The 1995 elections

   Top of page
Front Page 
weeklyweb@ahram.org.eg