 |
Al-Ahram Weekly On-line 21 - 27 September 2000 Issue No. 500 
|
||
Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
|
||
|
Al-Ahram Weekly On-line 21 - 27 September 2000 Issue No. 500
|
||
| Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
|
||
Under the title "Heritage Conservation and Management in Egypt and Syria" (HERCOMANES), a small symposium brought together a number of researchers, historians and architects from Egypt, France and Syria who set the fundamental goal of their research programme as "the upgrading of management systems able to restore and conserve historical sites, monuments and objects." It also proposed to provide the information "required for optimising intervention and assisting in decision making."
The city vanquished
Delicately sculpted statues adorn a residential building in Maarouf
photos:Khaled El-Fiqi
Egypt Elections Development Region International Economy Opinion Culture Features Special Travel Living Sports Profile People Time Out Chronicles Cartoons Letters
An international workshop recently held at Cairo University's Faculty of Engineering focused on the restoration and conservation of 19th- and early 20th-century architecture in Cairo and Aleppo. On the occasion of its 500th issue, Al-Ahram Weekly, which spearheaded the preservation campaign, calls for a serious rehabilitation and maintenance programme to protect our heritage. Fayza Hassan joins the debate once more
The abstract of the conference stressed the need for "prior research involving a wide range of disciplines and actors, a principle sanctioned by the international agencies in charge of protecting the culture heritage of mankind," in order to produce "quality analysis and diagnosis," regarded as key factors in the effective management of our monuments.
ONE MORE TIME: For Cairo, the participants targeted the quarters developed during the 19th and early 20th centuries, for which three main lines of action are considered: 1. To determine the lay of the land, which will involve reviewing the concept of heritage and the goals of conservation; the investigation of the registration, selection and classification criteria, methods used in gathering and sorting data and the assessment of the legal, financial, operational tools and means available for implementation. 2. To define the conceptual and methodological framework for selecting listed objects, in addition to an analysis centred on three levels: neighbourhood (to enable the assessment and classification of particular urban forms); street (to form sets of edifices according to architecture construction and style) and edifice (to study structures, building materials and techniques, particularities and defacement). 3. To devise suitable systems for managing the urban heritage in modern inner cities, while taking into account the prevailing constraints of the socio-cultural, political and economic contexts. A three-year term was deemed sufficient to achieve these goals.
It all sounded very much déjà vu, down to the A/C's endemic lack of response to the weather, and the slight smile playing on Cairo Governor Abdel-Rehim Shehata's lips. His expression seemed to indicate that he had already been here many times in the course of his tenure. He informed the gathering nevertheless that his office had listed and documented 4,500 buildings across Cairo and that the data was now available to researchers. The debate focused as usual on the number of buildings that should -- and could -- be saved, with the majority of foreign participants in favour of a minimalist method (selecting the most typical specimen of the period and letting go of the others), while the Egyptians seemed to adopt a wait and see approach -- an understandable attitude, if one stops to consider the daunting task that lies ahead, the lack of financial support and the present laws; these do not favour property owners, who therefore have not a hope in the world of recouping any investment in the renovation of their buildings. Furthermore, any serious improvement of the infrastructure is at present hindered by lack of local expertise and of the funds necessary to overhaul roads, waterworks and the sewage system.
MISGUIDED INITIATIVES: The first attempts at modernising Ottoman Cairo date back to the French Expedition, when the first municipal works were initiated by the occupiers mainly to suit Bonaparte's immediate needs, writes Jean-Luc Arnaud in Le Caire, mise en place d'une ville moderne (1867-1907). Muski Street, extending from Ezbekiya to Bulaq, was established during that time. Later, and until the early 1860s, successive rulers contributed (each in his own way) to the slow transformation of the city. Until the advent of Ismail, however, no attempt was made to elaborate an overall development plan, which would take into consideration any future growth of the urban landscape. Even then, although he felt the need to extend Cairo beyond its present boundaries, he failed to plan for any significant increase of the population; nor did he give the slightest thought to the accommodation of the ever-growing flows of less privileged city dwellers.
It is not until 1867 that the khedive, back from a visit to the capitals of Europe, which were at the time undergoing major facelifts, decided to take matters in hand and transform his own, quaintly Oriental seat of power into a Paris on the Nile, lavish enough to impress the foreign visitors about to arrive for the opening of the Suez Canal. The story of Cairo's hasty beautification is one of the best-known episodes of Egypt's modern history.
The confusion, bickering and lack of coordination that resulted from the khedive's mistrust in his administrative staff as well as his foreign experts have been amply documented. The principle of divide and rule, applied by the Egyptian sovereign in building his modern metropolis, is, according to restoration experts, at the root of the urban debacle we are witnessing today. But is it? Modern studies of the "maligned" khedive's time in power have shown that, apart from the rush cosmetic job undertaken to impress the visitors, Ismail had a suitable albeit shortsighted plan for the new quarters that he wished to develop.
OTTOMAN NO MORE: The khedive's aim was to break out of the pattern that had traditionally dictated the growth of Ottoman cities (extending gradually by creating agglomerations around new centres of commercial or residential interest) and to establish an overall urban plan. Within a few years, new quarters sprouted, covering an area equal to a quarter of the old city, writes Arnaud. Ismail, however, believed that Cairo could successfully compete with Paris, Rome or Vienna once he had managed to erect enough European-style public buildings, schools, operas and theatres interspersed with aesthetically pleasing squares to disguise its Oriental character completely. Enthusiastically poring over the plans presented by his engineers and experts, he accorded the infrastructure of his new creations only minimal attention.
See caption -->
ISMAIL'S CITY, 1867-1873: In his report addressed to the ministry of foreign affairs in Washington on 15 September 1873, M Beardoley, agent and consul-general for the United States of America in Egypt, stated: "In Cairo, the public beautification projects have been so numerous and the transformation so wide-ranging that it is difficult for a foreigner to appreciate fully its nature and extent. Six years ago, the space extending between Cairo, the river [Nile] and Bulaq, was nothing but a vast stretch of uncultivated low ground submerged during the flood and planted sparsely when the waters receded. This area [has now been transformed] into a new and elegant quarter which is called Ismailia. The ground level has been raised with stacks of debris from the city packed six to ten feet high. One now finds [in Ismailia] carriage roads bordered with trees; the plots of land are awarded freely to whoever agrees to erect on its surface a building following the predetermined specifications. An entirely new city comprised of superb edifices has sprouted as if by magic, extending from the old city to the banks of the river. The vast area known as Al-Azbakiya around which the European houses of the Frankish quarter were previously huddled, and which, at the time of the flood, was nothing but a large lake, has been transformed into a magnificent public park with sandy paths, shady avenues and green lawns also featuring a pretty artificial lake. Beautiful buildings with imposing porticos are being erected around this recreational area according to a homogeneous plan.
"Large new avenues have been opened inside the city allowing [the free circulation of] air and light into populous quarters and giving their inhabitants new avenues of transport.
"Hydraulic machines are distributing clean water to every part of the city and to every household willing to pay the [installation] expenses. A gas meter capable of producing six thousands cubic metres of gas a day is used to illuminate the streets and public squares. The new streets are carefully tarred and feature footpaths and drains. To the north of the city, an entirely new suburb named Faggala has been created. To the northeast, the huge mounds of city debris which had accumulated over the centuries have been leveled... a new suburb is being planned on the site. A large boulevard running across these two suburbs leads to the spot in which the old city of Heliopolis once stood as well as to Abbasiya on the edge of the desert where the military schools are located. A beautiful carriageway has also been constructed leading to the Pyramids and crossing the two iron bridges of the Gezira Island...This island is at present being converted into a lovely public park and botanical garden. It will also house the new museum, the construction of which is to start soon. Preparations are underway to establish a vast public park and garden to the west of Gezira. The khedive has also ordered the construction of a large theatre for Italian opera and a smaller one for the comédie française... A large number of monumental public fountains have been erected as well as many mosques and palaces. Everywhere one witnesses signs of improvements more reminiscent of western activity than the usual eastern [lazy] habits."
Beardoley may have been a tad hasty as well as optimistic in his assessment, especially concerning the public works actually completed to provide the city with running water and an efficient drainage system. One can nevertheless marvel at the khedive's determination at a time when his coffers were emptying faster than he could ever hope to replenish them and the public debt was increasing at a dizzying rate.
HAUSSMANN VS ISMAIL: The regeneration of Cairo followed Haussmann's transformation of Paris closely but, while one can assume that the khedive believed he was emulating the Parisian model, in fact, writes Arnaud, his capital lacked the bases on which the urbanisation of Paris was being carried out. For one, the Egyptian makeover did not really affect the old city, the new quarters remaining separate and representing a modern juxtaposition on the edges of the old urban fabric. In these new quarters neither the circulation network nor the parceling of the land or architectural types resemble the Haussmannian prototype. While the streets in Paris are strictly lined with a succession of uniformly sized buildings joined by party walls, the buildings in Ismail's new quarter follow their owners' whim in architectural style, size and alignment with the streets, resulting in a charming, but chaotic ensemble. Moreover, Paris's Haussmannisation had been the result of a consensus between the state, real estate societies and investment sources; in Cairo, on the other hand, private investors often worked at cross-purposes with the khedive's ambitions.
See caption -->
EXIT ISMAIL: During the mid-1870s, while Britain and France took over the management of the Caisse de la Dette, the development of Cairo seemed doomed to an abrupt end. Contrary to expectations, it soon picked up where it left off, so strong was the momentum created by Ismail's dynamic real estate policies. It is not until the financial crisis of 1907 that Cairo's growth was effectively contained. From then on, the capital would begin a slow transformation more in line with the interests of private investors than with the sound practices of an overall urbanisation plan. Entire suburbs targeting the foreign minorities, like Garden City, Maadi and Heliopolis, were built to form autonomous islands with little relation to the whole. By mid-20th century, such a pot pourri of styles in private and public works may have been instrumental in giving Cairo its elegantly distinctive character, but with the total change in real estate concepts brought about by the 1952 Revolution and expressed mainly in policies devised to shield the tenant from the alleged greed of property owners, the protection and maintenance of common property by private parties soon became a thing of the past.
CAIRO 2000: The city buildings exhibit their scarred façades shamelessly, while elevators, common staircases and building entrances have been overtaken by piles of garbage and vermin. In the absence of effective regulations, vulgarly painted billboards enjoy unwarranted pride of place; professionals advertise their names, businesses and schedules on misspelled and tastelessly designed panels that obliterate the remainders of a once pleasantly aesthetic architecture. The traffic-congested former carriageways offer a variety of potholes and burst mains and are crammed day and night with an array of illegally parked vehicles, unpredictable pedestrians, delivery trucks and motorcyclists as well as the occasional horse-drawn caretta and donkey cart.
See caption -->
Moreover, the unprecedented increase in the population that the city has witnessed in the past half century has caused it to grow upwards monstrously in the most disorderly manner, with total disregard for its original style or its infrastructure, practically unchanged since the times of Ismail. In a city planned to accommodate a couple of million dwellers comfortably, ten extra million have been grafted informally onto the existing cityscape and are now clamouring for decent housing at reasonable prices and demanding that the government provide them with an infrastructure and public services to replace those which have all but collapsed in their desperate attempt to fulfil the extravagant demands imposed on them. Under these circumstances, and notwithstanding any number of workshops, symposia or conferences devoted to contemplating the preservation of our heritage, one can only wonder at the order of priorities. Where exactly on the list can the rehabilitation of some of Cairo's most significant buildings reasonably be placed?
