 |
Al-Ahram Weekly On-line 28 Sep. - 4 Oct. 2000 Issue No. 501 
|
||
Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
|
||
|
Al-Ahram Weekly On-line 28 Sep. - 4 Oct. 2000 Issue No. 501
|
||
| Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
|
||
Egypt Elections Region International Economy Opinion Culture Special Travel Living Sports Profile People Time Out Chronicles Cartoons Letters Reality call
By Salama Ahmed Salama
Since the first candidates were nominated for the People's Assembly elections, Egyptians have been in an extraordinary state of excitement. Hordes of ambitious nominees, whether nominated by parties or independently, hurriedly submitted their papers to electoral bureaus throughout the republic. This gave rise to a ripple effect in the stagnant ponds of political life, the first since the last general elections, which took place five years ago.
Talk of elections has become endemic; no sooner does a conversation start, in the household or the workplace, among friends, colleagues or foreign visitors, than the same question is posed. Will these elections be any different from previous ones? The question relates to the management of the electoral process, whether it affords a viable framework, and to the results.
Given previous experience, these questions are legitimate and expected from the standpoint of Egyptians and those who observe the Egyptian political scene from afar. Commentators and writers should not find them so upsetting. For one thing, they are not the venomous propaganda these commentators make them out to be. Rather, this will be a new electoral experience (or at least so one hopes) that aims to induce a spirit of faith in the political apparatus as a whole, whether on the part of the various parties' nominees or the voters, who have refrained from going to the ballot box for years.
This year's elections, which many hope will be different from their predecessors, have secured great optimism in light of both the judicial guarantees that have been provided and the government's promise not to interfere. Hence the fact that many nominees cared nothing for the NDP's lack of approval and decided to run independently, in contrast to independent nominees who have attached the term "national" to the title under which they promote themselves, in the attempt to win the battle and secure an easy return to the NDP (a ploy that fools no one but them).
It is remarkably more courageous of the other major parties, particularly the Wafd and the Tagammu, to have nominated more candidates in more constituencies. Hopes for the Wafd, indeed, have risen to 100 seats at lowest count. The Tagammu was more cautious with both its nominations and predictions. These parties aside, the Islamist trend remains present in absentia, following the minister of the interior's threats and systematic campaign, which coincided with the beginning of the elections, to give a realistic dimension to the elections by reminding Egyptians of what they are used to, and giving rise to some commentary outside Egypt.
The elections have stimulated an unusual sense of boldness among women, some of whom did not conceal their disappointment when the ruling party, which in the past few months has gone on and on about the need for female representation, nominated only 11 women. And the party's assistant secretary appeared on television with a mischievous smile on his face, defending that position by claiming that the NDP prefers not to subject women to the hardships and difficulties of the electoral process. What, then, was the meaning of an enhanced female presence in parliament?
Some observers noted that, before nomination procedures ended, what attracted the most attention were the camel and the crescent, the most widely favoured electoral symbols and the most effective logos for parties and nominees. Competition for them, observers insisted, was rife. Now that nominations are done and the campaign is underway, however, other symbols and signs have become quite legible too.
