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12 - 18 October 2000
Issue No. 503
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Aiming for the possible

By Sherine Bahaa


Nabil Shaath
Can you give us a clear picture of what is going on in the occupied territories?
There is a war that Ehud Barak has declared on us. Since Camp David, Barak has been thinking that what he could not get in the talks, he can get through intimidation and massacring our young people. It is getting him nowhere. Now, he has the added responsibility before the whole world of pulling out from our country and having an international committee come to investigate and lay down specific measures for the protection of our people until this pullout is complete and total.

Palestinian President Yasser Arafat was given an ultimatum by Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak to stop the new Palestinian uprising. How will you respond?
If he thinks he can intimidate us by giving an ultimatum, he is absolutely wrong and the fact that the Palestinian people have been struggling for their country for so long clearly means we are not going to be deterred.

The Palestinian Authority has been releasing some members of Hamas. Does this imply a change in their policy towards the group?
We are releasing everybody who can be released. We have been protective of our people as much as we can, but, at the same time, we have been abiding by the law. In the final analysis, all these are our people and all these are the young people of Palestine who are expected to contribute a great deal to the freedom, independence and future of Palestine.

Barak is calling for the establishment of a national unity government. Is this a new manoeuvre by Barak -- threatening to bring the extremist right to his government?
There is very little that can threaten us. We are in our homeland; we are in our country and he is an occupier who uses all the military might of Israel but cannot do much, just like earlier despots and occupiers have tried to do, not only in Palestine, but in many other places. It simply does not work. He has to get out of our country and anything else will not work. He needs a coalition to protect his own backyard, his own standing in the Knesset. His allowing Sharon to go into Al-Haram Al-Sharif with 3,000 armed soldiers was a down payment on the coalition proposal. Sharon did not go on his own; he went in backed by Barak and the military support that Barak could provide him, which is what eventually led to the massacre at the Al-Haram Al-Sharif.


(photo:AFP, AP, Reuters)
How can the operation undertaken by Hizbullah in Southern Lebanon affect the Intifada in Palestine?
It will only help. In fact, it reminds me of the days when the Palestinian and Lebanese people struggled together in Lebanon. Now they are struggling together in Palestine and any support we are given by our Lebanese brothers is very much appreciated, in the same way that any support we are extended from our Arab brothers is.

Barak is making threats everywhere. First he says he will bomb Beirut, then he says he will attack Damascus. Does this not mean he is losing control?
I think so. I think some of his actions are insane and others are totally out of line with the peace process or any other political process for that matter. Unfortunately, this chaotic decision-making process and this totally non-political action programme is not only hurting Barak, but it has led to the death of 100 Palestinians and the wounding of 2,800 others, 1,000 of whom are handicapped for life. The price we, and eventually the Israeli people, have to pay for this leader's actions is enormous.

What is your assessment of the UN Security Council resolution issued this week condemning excessive use of violence against Palestinians?
Always insufficient, but still a useful step forward. I think the United States found itself totally isolated. Not even its closest allies, such as Britain, would vote against the resolution or refrain from voting. There was an overwhelming call from the world, particularly from our brothers in the non-aligned movement. I tried my best and succeeded in persuading the British government and the French government, which stood steadfastly by us. We were able to secure sufficient support for a decision that was not as good as we wanted, not as explicit as we wanted, did not go as far as we wanted, but was a step in the right direction.

The US refrained from using the veto against a resolution that might condemn the Israeli practices. Was that an attempt by the US to contain Arab and international anger at such acts?
It was very important for the US to really see, for the first time, that the Palestinian people were not alone. Unfortunately, over the past six years, the Palestinians have, many times, looked very lonesome. The US probably figured out that there was no high price to pay for being as pro-Israeli as it wanted to. Now, I think with this vigorous support of the Arab people everywhere, one can say that the US has to revise its calculations, for its own good. Countries the US considers are its friends and allies will not stand aside while Palestinians are being murdered.

Does the peace process still exist?
It is in great danger, no doubt, and it has been jeopardised by the action of the Israeli government, which thinks that what it could not get on the table, it could get by coercion and military attacks. I think the only way to save the peace process is for the Israelis to recognise this and pull out their forces, ending their military occupation of the country. Only then, I think, can negotiations proceed successfully.

There have been calls and visits (UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, Russian Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov, EU's Javier Solana) made to the region in attempts to pressure the Palestinians to stop the Intifada and go back to the negotiating table. How do you view this?
There is no such thing as stopping the Intifada. The Intifada, in its final analysis, is the action of people that is not ordered by their state or coerced by their leaders. It is the expression of their rage and anger against occupation. We are not going to shoot our people or arrest them for expressing their anger. The only way that anger can abate is for the people to see an incentive behind it, that it would lead to withdrawal, like the Israeli withdrawal from the heart of Nablus. They [the Israelis] should completely withdraw from every populated Palestinian area and allow an international commission to come and investigate their crimes. We think that, by these two actions, there may be a chance to calm people's rage and a chance to continue [negotiations]. Without this, it is going to be very difficult.


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