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Al-Ahram Weekly On-line 19 - 25 October 2000 Issue No. 504 
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Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
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Al-Ahram Weekly On-line 19 - 25 October 2000 Issue No. 504
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| Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
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Egypt Elections Palestine International Economy Opinion Culture Focus Features Travel Sports Profile People Time Out Chronicles Cartoons Letters 'Resistance will always unite us'
By Sherine BahaaThe head of Hamas political bureau, Khaled Misha'al has in recent weeks visited Iran and Syria to drum up support for the Palestinian cause. Considered a serious threat by Israel, in September 1997 he survived an attempt on his life by Mossad in Jordan. Last year he was deported from the Hashemite Kingdom, where Hamas's headquarters were located, to Qatar along with other prominent members of the organisation.
The first condition on the six-point list Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak brought to the Sharm Al-Sheikh summit was the arrest of "extremists" from the Hamas and Islamic Jihad movements who were released last week. How do you view this condition?
It is quite ironic that when the idea of the Sharm Al-Sheikh summit was first introduced, Arab and Palestinian demands topped the agenda. However, when the summit began, Barak was the only one putting conditions on the table. Heading his list of six conditions were the arrest of the released Hamas and Islamic Jihad figures. For its part, the Palestinian Authority (PA) has already responded to this demand by detaining approximately 30 Hamas and Jihad figures. It is really a tragedy to see inter-Palestinian relations exposed to Israeli and Zionist blackmail.
Nonetheless, this sacred Intifada was a good portent because it united the Palestinians, bringing about a long hoped-for national unity. All factions are now engaged in a united battle against our Zionist enemy.
As we have reiterated in the past, popular resistance will always unite the Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank with those outside the territories. In contrast, the choice of "peace," which is a dead end option, divides Palestinians. The Sharm Al-Sheikh summit, which was totally rejected by most Palestinians, is a case in point.
What do you expect from the Arab summit scheduled for next week?
The Arab summit must recognise the serious implications of the Intifada and apprehend the significance of the popular reaction [to the Intifada and the summit] in the Arab world in recent days. Arab governments should use the vast potentials of their own people who are willing to make sacrifices if mobilised for such a great cause. [The protection of] Jerusalem, Al-Aqsa [mosque] and confronting the Zionist enemy are the greatest of all causes. Hence, the Arab summit should meet the demands of its own people.
The Intifada is a turning point marking the end of one phase and the beginning of another. This current phase requires that Arab governments develop a new strategy. The appropriate strategy is simple, but serious: popular resistance must be unleashed. If war by formal armed forces is subject to the the balance of power, which is currently unfavourable to the Arabs, peoples' war is not. The Arabs would definitely outdo the Zionist enemy in popular resistance.
Consequently, I think the Arab summit should declare support for the holy Intifada and allow the resistance movement to take its course.
Meanwhile, summit participants should sever all diplomatic ties with Israel, expelling its representatives from Arab lands. Arab countries should embark on a total boycott of Israeli products and governments must reject American and Israeli hegemony.
Barak has called for a national unity government, which would include [hard-line Likud leader Ariel] Sharon, in what Israelis are calling "a government of war." Why are Palestinians not calling for their own national unity government that would include the Palestinian opposition?
Of course, Hamas would welcome such an agreement [among Palestinian political forces]. We believe in the importance of national unity in confronting the Israelis. But this is not the responsibility of Hamas alone. The PA must focus on buttressing national unity, but in doing so, it needs to recognise certain conditions.
To show that it is truly committed to national unity, the PA should adopt a programme that responds to the needs and priorities of the people. This is a programme of resistance and confrontation. There is no unity based on the peace process, or negotiations. Such a choice is controversial and fragments Palestinian society as demonstrated during the past seven years since Oslo.
Another condition is ending all security arrangements with the enemy. It is ridiculous that the PA, which has coordinated with our enemy in recent years, should be told by Barak at Sharm Al-Sheikh that this coordination must be effective. In fact, security cooperation was never halted, it has only decreased slightly in times of tension, but it never stopped. Thus, security arrangements that chase our people back to prison are blows to the concept of national unity.
Added to these conditions, imprisoned members of Hamas and Jihad must be released because national unity cannot be established while figures from the political and military wings of these organisations are in Palestinian jails.
In fact, the recent release of members of Hamas and Jihad was not due to a decision by the PA. These prisoners were released by a popular action that exploited Barak's threats to attack PA headquarters which led Palestinian forces to withdraw from the area where the prisoners were placed. Palestinian people, taking the opportunity this afforded, opened by force the gates of prisons in Nablus and Gaza, thus freeing Hamas and Jihad members who were jailed for no valid reason. Unfortunately, the PA, under pressure from the US, Israel and Britain has detained about 30 of the freed prisoners and is now pursuing the others.
Palestinian officials have attributed the arrest of recently released Hamas members to acts of violence against Palestinian targets rather than Israeli ones. Is this what happened?
No, this is not true. Hamas has actually forbidden the use of force against Palestinians and declared that its military force will be directed only at Israel. Last week, there was a huge march in Gaza of 60,000 Palestinian representing various groups. When they passed establishments serving alcohol, demonstrators set them on fire. This was not a decision by Hamas; such acts were spontaneous, although we assume that there were elements that infiltrated the march to incite demonstrators so as to give the PA a pretext under which to arrest Hamas members once again.
Since the arrival of the PA in Gaza in 1994, these immoral establishments began to proliferate in the Palestinian territories, especially in Gaza. However, Hamas did not interfere by closing or burning these places. It is not part of our strategy to attack such places. If Hamas tolerated the security measures adopted by the PA against Hamas members and did not respond to such acts which were actually instigated by our Zionist enemy, why would we now use force to attack such places?
An announcement by a leading Hamas figure in Gaza said that Hamas is planning to resume suicide attacks against Israeli targets, is this true?
Hamas will never give up the resistance. What is changing are circumstances on the ground. Security arrangements between the Israelis and the PA, which are under the supervision of the CIA, have all increased obstacles faced by the mujahidin [freedom fighters]. However, our strategy will never change, resistance is a legitimate right.
Related stories:
National unity under stress
See also Intifada in focus 12 - 18 October 2000© Copyright Al-Ahram Weekly. All rights reserved
