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Al-Ahram Weekly On-line 9 -15 November 2000 Issue No.507 
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Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
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Al-Ahram Weekly On-line 9 -15 November 2000 Issue No.507
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| Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 |
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Egypt Region International Economy Opinion Culture Books Travel Living Sports Profile People Time Out Chronicles Cartoons Letters The silent 50 per cent
By Rehab SaadOfficially, at least 50 per cent of parliament's seats are reserved for workers and peasants. Such "positive discrimination" in favour of the working classes, one might think, would express itself in a clear "labour" voice inside the People's Assembly. One would be hard pressed to find much evidence of even a moderated, Tony Blair-style "New Labour" presence in the Egyptian parliament, however.
In fact, the general perception of labour participation in parliamentary election is one of workers being bussed by company management to polling stations to vote on command. The image is in most cases a crude caricature. But one aspect rings true. Labour in Egypt does not vote on class grounds, and when workers do cast their ballots, they are most likely to do so in accordance to patron-client considerations.
Mercedes-driving "workers and peasants" are not uncommon in parliamentary elections. Ahmed Harak, assistant secretary-general of the General Federation of Trade Unions (GFTU), readily concedes that "from the very beginning the law [of 1964, which introduced the worker/peasant quota] defined 'worker' or 'peasant' too loosely, and as a consequence it was never really implemented."
"When we take stock of what actually happened," says Harak, "it can be seen that at times the quota system was implemented relatively better than it has been during the past few years. But, genuine representation of the working classes has never been the case."
Workers and peasants have, in theory, a minimum of 50 per cent of parliamentary seats. They tend to vote for real or potential benefactors, however
photos: Khaled El-Fiqi
Harak has been involved in legal battles disputing the candidacy of businessmen who take on the status of workers.
"During the 1995 elections, I contested the candidacy of a businessman who ran in the Nile Delta town of Bilqas as a worker. Since then, the law has been amended. Loopholes nevertheless remain, so we will continue to have the phenomenon of businessmen running as workers and landowners running as peasants."
According to Harak, the law is easy to circumvent.
"A businessman will remove his name from the trade registry and re-register his firm in the name of a wife or a son before nominating himself. As long as he is not registered as a trader, the law will consider him a worker. A landowner will behave similarly with the deeds of his property, manipulating the facts so he will be technically considered a peasant. On the other hand, if a real worker enters retirement, the law no longer considers him eligible for the worker category. There is nothing judges can do about all of this. They must implement the law, not interpret it. It is the law itself that requires modification."
In April, an amendment to the law made it possible to switch categories, from worker to professional or vice versa. "Before the amendment, a candidate's category set before May 1972 -- the last time the law organising parliament was amended -- could not be changed," explains Hassan Badawi, head of the workers' committee of the leftist Tagammu' Party and managing editor of its mouthpiece, Al-Ahali. "So a worker who became a businessman after the introduction of the economic open door policy, for instance, remained registered as a worker for life, even though he may have become a millionaire. However, candidates now must prove that their classification at the time of nomination is true. Workers must acquire letters from the GFTU confirming their status."
Harak points out that not only do vague definitions of "worker" and "peasant" continue to provide loopholes for those attempting to take advantage of a less than perfect system, but the letters issued by the GFTU are for union members only. "If a worker, while working and enjoying membership of the union, obtained a college degree and came back to me for a letter, I would give it to him. He or she is still a member of the union, and the law states that in these cases, people should continue to be classified as workers. This is the extent of GFTU power over classification."
The consequences of all these legal twists and turns has been at best ironic. "The legislation intended to ensure that workers and peasants would be properly represented in parliament, but it has failed," argues Nabil El-Hilali, a prominent civil rights and labour lawyer. "Successive parliaments have actually introduced anti-worker and anti-peasant legislation, such as privatisation laws and the abrogation of land reform. Hence the legitimacy of the system has been seriously compromised."
Little wonder then that many workers are highly cynical about parliamentary elections. Take the case of four workers who have worked since they were children for a glass factory in the working-class district of Shubra Al-Kheima. Two years ago they were laid-off without warning or compensation. Aged between 30 and 40, they searched for employment elsewhere only to be told that they were too old to be hired. The Ministry of Social Affairs and Insurance, meanwhile, deemed them too young to qualify for a retirement pension. They turned in a desperate last effort to the "worker" MP for their district.
"We showed him all the documents and were promised that action would be taken," recounted one of them who identified himself only as Abdel-Fattah. The factory had meanwhile been transformed by its owner into a ceramics retail showroom. The inauguration was a festive occasion with bright lights, loud music and slaughtered cows. The laid-off workers watched it all from across the street. And lo and behold, their very own "worker" MP was at the head of the line of distinguished guests congratulating the owner on his new venture.
"He was grinning from ear to ear. We never heard from him again. How can you tell me to take parliament seriously?" Abdel-Fattah asked.
Even in cases when workers feel that their representatives mean well, there remains the stronger feeling that the very nature of the system works against their interests. Mohamed is a worker at a partially privatised textile company where production has come to a halt, resulting in drastic wage cuts.
"We have gone to our MP repeatedly and the poor man really wants to help us," Mohamed recalls. "But he can't. He is restricted by the system and we know that he has been harassed for trying to champion our cause. This is why if I vote, I will choose someone who will be able to provide me with personal service in the future."
Abbas, also a worker from Shubra Al-Kheima, was even more pessemistic. "The people running for the 'workers' seat only come to us when they are seeking our vote. Those among them who are sincere could never win, and if they did would eventually turn against us," he said.
Tagammu's Badawi pointed out, "Labour continues to be susceptible to divisions along the lines of patronage. In many cases, workers remain part of the rural structure. Even in old industrial cities such as Kafr Al-Dawwar and Al-Mahalla Al-Kobra, workers go home to help cultivate the land and take on the double role of farmer/worker with all the implications that has for their consciousness. Maybe a new kind of worker will develop in the new industrial cities but this remains to be seen. As for now, the worker in the strict sense of the word has not come into being in this country."
Abdel-Aziz Shaaban, a textile worker since childhood, is running in the working-class district of Al-Wayli, where he has been the sitting MP since 1990. Elections, he believes, have been rigged so many times that people have lost all confidence in the political process. "Other factors," he continues, "contributing to such widespread political apathy is the public's lack of political awareness and the lack of political candidates who have any contact with the grassroots. That is why labour does not see in parliament a legislative body they should try and influence. Instead, they see it as a service-centre."
Shaaban at least is trying to do things differently. At the entrance of his small office in an unpaved alleyway in Al-Wayli is a large book in which people's requests for services can be written down. "People trust me because I have been able to provide the sick with access to health care and have got many more decent housing. At the same time, I use my presence in parliament to defend the rights of workers. I speak against privatisation and against the Emergency Law, and in defence of the right of workers to organise themselves."
Badawi elaborates by explaining that "parliamentary debates enforce the perception that parliament is not for legislation but for providing local services. For example, when MPs discuss the government's economic development plan, they rarely talk about the big picture or policy issues; instead they focus on a bridge here or a street there -- the petty issues, as if they were a municipal council."
Harak believes that the stakes for workers are particularly high in the upcoming parliament.
"There will be many bills crucial to the well-being of the working classes, such as those to do with health and social insurance, as well as the unified labour law. Unfortunately, though, the upcoming parliament will be dominated by businessmen."
Harak bases his prediction on results from the first and second rounds of the elections and his projections for the third. "Very few genuine worker and peasant representatives are running. We at the GFTU, which represents over four million organised workers, will only have one MP in the next parliament. He is Sayed Rashed, head of the GFTU, who won in the first round. We have no candidates standing in the third."
In addition to all these obstacles, Badawi points out, the vital matter of money makes it even more difficult for real workers and peasants to run in elections.
"It is obvious that candidates are spending millions on their campaigns. Who is the worker or farmer who has that kind of money? This is one reason why landowners will take the farmer seats and millionaires will take the worker seats," he continued.
In the short term, Harak hopes that the president will redress the balance of power in the next parliament by appointing representatives of workers, as he is empowered by the constitution to appoint 10 MPs. Harak and others also argue for an amendment of the law regulating the workers/peasants qouta to ensure its proper implementation.
Al-Wayli's, Abdel-Aziz Shaaban, on the other hand, suggested a more grassroots approach. "The basis of any working class representation is the workers movement itself. Currently, labour is in a state of retreat which requires a reorganisation of its ranks and the reactivation of our heritage of struggle. For those who want to espouse labour's cause, the arena for action is the shop-floor and the aim must be to revitalise the movement," he said.
Related stories:
See Elections 2000
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