1 - 7 February 2001
Issue No.519
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Al-Ahram Weekly On-line 1 - 7 February 2001 Issue No.519 |
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Hypothetical solutions
By Salama Ahmed Salama
Regardless of the outcome of the Taba negotiations, according to both parties' evaluation of the proceedings, they are the closest approximation to a solution reached so far. Yet ultimately the talks are no more than a series of practice manoeuvres and hypothetical solutions that neither party could expect to yield a written agreement. Perhaps this is what made it easy for both parties to make the "progress" to which they referred. And this was before the cold shower Barak gave the talks when he announced their indefinite suspension.
The realistic tone that has characterised the statements emerging from the negotiations -- in which each party specified the precise points of agreement and disagreement -- may not be the next starting point if the appropriate conditions for resuming the peace negotiations ever obtain. It is clear that both Israeli and Palestinian delegates had good reason to make Taba a success, or at least extract from it specific positive results.
From the Israeli standpoint, Barak's political battle with Sharon runs through the Taba negotiations, especially in the light of opinion polls that gave the greater terrorist, Sharon, a majority over his rival, following Barak's failure to fulfil his promises of peace. Barak adopted his electoral tactics on the basis of the outcome of Taba, which could imply a resolution with the Palestinians and thus herald the end of the Intifada. He has managed to do so, furthermore, without committing himself to a compromise on Jerusalem or the refugees' right of return.
From the Palestinian standpoint, Arafat's thoughts have been running along two main tracks. The first is the imperative need to resume the negotiations in any form and under any circumstances, guaranteeing a degree of international backing and addressing the main accusations levelled at him since the Intifada began: that he is the reason for the collapse of the negotiations, and that he supports the violence the Intifada is wreaking on Israel.
The second track concerns Barak's electoral battle. Arafat is doing all he can to bring about Barak's victory over the extremist right-wing party led by Sharon. He also believes that there is an international tendency that favours Barak's return to power. Europeans and Americans are worried about Sharon's possible victory and the explosion of violence that it might cause throughout the entire region.
It was only natural, therefore, that Shlomo Ben Ami, the Israeli foreign minister, should show great optimism: he believes the negotiations constitute great strides towards a final solution, while the Palestinians have reservations about the widening gap between the two sides on many issues.
While the Israeli negotiators are moving ahead with an eye on the Israeli street, not a day passes without Barak reaffirming both his insistence that Jerusalem (including Al-Haram Al-Sharif) remain the capital of Israel and his rejection of the Palestinian refugees' right of return. Continuing security cooperation between the Palestinian Authority and Israeli security forces compounds feelings of disappointment on the Palestinian street at a time when the Israeli forces are still hunting down civilians ruthlessly.
Nobody knows exactly what will happen in the coming few days. Israel, in the meantime, is indulging once again in inflated rhetoric. And we know that the Israeli side is perfectly willing to abandon its agreements. This is indeed what is expected of Barak during the elections. As for Sharon, everybody is aware of his position on the peace process. In this sense, one might inquire about the point behind the Taba negotiations. Were they anything more than a stab in the Intifada's back?
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