Al-Ahram Weekly Online
14 - 20 June 2001
Issue No.538
Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 Current issue | Previous issue | Site map

A question of time

The death of Hafez Al-Assad a year ago marked the start of a new era in Syria. But for many Syrians, writes Sherine Bahaa, that new era has yet to begin

Though it has been a year since the death of Syria's strongman Hafez Al-Assad, his photos can be found everywhere in the country, with one small addition: the photo of his son, President Bashar Al-Assad, placed underneath. When "Dr Bashar," as he is known in Syria, took office shortly after his father's death, people wondered whether the father-to-son formula would mean a continuation of the same domestic, regional and international policies.

Counting on his academic background, his two- year stint in Britain and his interest in information technology, several observers and world leaders expected the 35-year-old Syrian president to undertake a speedy political and economic reform process. But those with high expectations now feel little has been done in this direction. For them, Syria continues to be ruled by the "old guard" who accompanied the late father throughout his three decades in power. The Baath Party remains in power and there is a long way to go before a true multi- party system could develop. Despite initial positive steps such as releasing hundreds of political prisoners and allowing slightly more freedom of expression in the government-owned press, the regime seems to have little tolerance for attempts by Syrian intellectuals to discuss their country's problems publicly. After a few months of allowing the intelligentsia to hold informal meetings -- known as "civil society forums" -- in their homes, security services ordered a crackdown and began requiring prior government permission. For the authorities, the intellectuals crossed the "red lines" when they started questioning the Baath Party's "leading role" in Syrian political life and demanding greater democracy.

"[Hafez] Al-Assad's death is not felt because he is still running the country. He is still at Qasr Al- Shaab [the People's Palace]. The question now is: 'For how long can you run a country while you are dead?'" one diplomat told Reuters. "We are so afraid he is still alive," one Damascus resident added.

For his part, Patrick Seale, Hafez Al-Assad's British biographer, cautioned against comparing father and son. "One is the creator of modern Syria and the other inherited the presidency. But he has shown himself to be a remarkable leader," Seale said.

Hafez Al-Assad
In the shadow of Assad père: scores of Arab figures flocked to Damascus to mark the first anniversary of the death of Syria's strong man and 30-year-ruler, Hafez Al-Assad
(photo: AP)

According to Seale, "There are obvious similarities between the two policies, especially regarding foreign policy. Bashar is very anxious to be faithful to that political legacy." He pointed out that a distinction should be made between economic reforms and what is required to modernise Syria on the one hand and the question of political reform and the establishment of civil society on the other. It seems that Bashar Al-Assad is trying to keep separate these two types of reform. For him, political reform should come after the reform of state institutions themselves.

Speaking to Al-Ahram Weekly from Paris, Seale explained: "There are differences in personal style, but I'd say it is a reflection of the greatly worsened political atmosphere in the region." Shortly after Bashar Al-Assad came to power, the Intifada broke out in Palestine, imposing itself on the new president's agenda and allowing him to claim his father's role as an Arab nationalist leader. "It is very striking that President Bashar places the Intifada at the top of his pan-Arab priorities, together with the situation in Iraq and promoting Arab economic integration."

However, for other observers, the young Assad has proved to be more vocal than his tight-lipped father. He stunned his Arab counterparts with his very sharp, focused and analytical speeches during Arab summits in Cairo and Amman in support of the Palestinian uprising.

President Assad went even further during his first official European visit, to Spain in early May, where he described Israelis as "more racist than the Nazis." A week later, he again triggered Western criticism during Pope John Paul II's visit to Damascus. Although very meticulous in his choice of words, naming neither Israel nor Jews, Assad denounced "those who tried to kill the principles of all religions with the same mentality with which they betrayed Jesus Christ and the same way they tried to betray and kill the Prophet Muhammad."

His words led Israeli President Moshe Katsav to lash out at Bashar, claiming the son was even worse than the father. "He [the late Assad] was not our partner. Yet he did not express himself in such a careless, racist, anti-Semitic, illogical manner like the current president," said Katsav.

According to observers, this harsh rhetoric can be attributed to a change in time frame. The collapse of the Madrid Middle East peace process, the decline in the American role and Europe's reluctance to get involved are all signs of the deteriorating conditions in the region.

For Seale, growing Arab public anger was another factor leading to what some observers see as Bashar's hard-line attitude. "The Arabs are witnessing a movement of Arab integration and solidarity. In his speeches, [Bashar Al-Assad] is reflecting this tougher line as well as the revival of the Arab streets, which is becoming a feature of the present situation. There is, overall, more vocal Arab reaction to what has been happening [in Palestine]. He is a young Arab and feels very strongly about what is happening."

Ghassan Refaie, a Syrian intellectual residing in Paris, told the Weekly that Assad's words were only natural, especially as the peace camp has disappeared completely from the Israeli political scene. "Israel killed its peace advocates, as seen in the assassination of late Israeli Premier Yitzhak Rabin. In the meantime, extremist racist statements by Israeli officials are all over the place."

Refaie referred to recent statements by Rabbi Ovadia Youssef, leader of the extremist Shas Party, in which he compared Arabs to "scorpions that have to be exterminated." Youssef also stated publicly that "God made a mistake when he created Arabs" and demanded their "transfer from Greater Israel."

For Refaie, "the critical situation in the region" forced itself on Assad's agenda, delaying any possible political reforms he wanted to carry out. "Syria is witnessing a hot debate between the old and the new. And this conflict will end in favour of the younger generations, even if this process takes some time," concluded Refaie.

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