Al-Ahram Weekly Online
15 - 21 November 2001
Issue No.560
Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 Current issue | Previous issue | Site map

Immune to blackmail

However strident, or hysterical, the Zionist lobby, Egyptian-US relations go from strength to strength, writes Ibrahim Nafie

Ibrahim Nafie Egyptian-US relations represent a unique relationship between the foremost superpower in the post-Cold War world and a major regional power with an ancient history. They have come to encompass many realms of practical cooperation and have rarely suffered from differences in outlook. At all times, they have remained strong and constantly developing.

The strength of Egyptian-US relations, to which the leaders of both countries testify, is a constant source of anger to Israel and Zionist circles in the US. From time to time these circles attempt to stir animosity between Egypt and the US, generally resorting to the identification of "a crisis in Egyptian-US relations." This theme is always played up just before President Mubarak's visits to the US in order undermine Egypt's appeals on behalf of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people.

It is sufficient, here, to point to the coincidences of timing with which anti-Egyptian campaigns and claims of a crisis in Egyptian-US relations surface in Israel and in Zionist circles in the US. Moreover, an analysis of the terms of reference used in these campaigns clearly reveals the presence of a single instigating and coordinating front.

Egyptian-US relations are powerful because they promote the interests of both sides. It is for this reason that they have usually been able to ride out these campaigns. Indeed, sometimes these campaigns have worked to further solidify these relations, which has driven the Zionist lobby, in its Israeli and US manifestations, to lash out against the policies of American administrations. An instance of this occurred during the Democratic administration of former President Clinton. In spite of everything the Clinton administration did for Israel, the Zionist lobby vehemently attacked it for jeopardising what it called "the security of Israel" by advancing levels of US-Egyptian military cooperation. So great was Zionist anxiety at this development that its lobby termed Egyptian-US military cooperation the "worrisome Egyptian model." Certainly, the development of Egyptian-US relations and Egypt's procurement of arms and military components has had the anxiety ridden Zionist lobby scrambling to undermine this cooperation through talk of "a crisis in US- Egyptian relations." Generally members of the Zionist lobby have had to concoct a crisis out of thin air in their attempts to sway successive US administrations.

It is also clear that Egypt's principled support for the Palestinian cause and the struggle of the Palestinian people to obtain their legitimate national rights, which have been reaffirmed by international resolutions, is a fundamental source of worry for the Zionist lobby. It, therefore, strives to undermine US-Egyptian relations in order to bring to bear what it believes is pressure on Egypt.

This dynamic has manifested itself in the recent campaign mounted by the Zionist lobby regarding a crisis in Egyptian-US relations over Egypt's alleged failure to support the US in its drive against terrorism. It so happens that the anti-Egyptian campaign failed to achieve the objectives of the Zionist lobby for the very simple reason that Egypt has come out resolutely and unequivocally against terrorism, not only in official statements but at the practical level as well. At the same time, the Bush administration has openly praised the stance of the Egyptian government and people, and was perfectly understanding of the small margin of difference in outlook between the two sides. Such understanding was clearly expressed by State Secretary Colin Powell.

Egypt's condemnation of the terrorist operations that struck New York and Washington on 11 September was quick, explicit and resolute. President Mubarak has reaffirmed his condemnation of these acts on numerous occasions, as well as Egypt's support for US efforts to combat terrorism and uproot its sources. In an interview with Newsweek, the president reiterated Egypt's condemnation of the attacks against Washington and New York and restated "Egypt's full support for the US in its drive to put an end to the nests of terrorism in Afghanistan." In his speech before the joint houses of parliament on 10 November, the president declared, "We support the US in its actions against terrorism out of principle, because we have suffered much from terrorism."

Moreover, Mubarak has proposed a comprehensive strategy for fighting international terrorism. In his speech before the third session of the Formentor Symposium in Spain on 2 November he said, "Egypt did not hesitate for a moment in joining in the international drive to fight terrorism following the attacks on New York and Washington." He then appealed for an international conference to be held under the auspices of the UN with the purpose of concluding a treaty containing a clear definition of terrorism, delineating firm measures to be taken against it, and prohibiting aiding, financing, sheltering terrorists or granting them political asylum for any reason. This conference, he hoped, would take place at the soonest opportunity, once the immediate repercussions of the events of 11 September have been dealt with.

Secondly, he urged that the fight against terrorism be combined with resolute efforts to address the underlying causes of terrorism, which reside in resentments against oppression, inequity and double standards. Thirdly, he urged the international community to devote greater attention to specific, concrete steps towards addressing the deteriorating situation in the Palestinian occupied territories, so as to prevent terrorists from exploiting the rampant sense of despair and frustration in Arab and Muslim public opinion as justification for their terrorist activities.

Egypt's condemnation of the terrorism that struck New York and Washington on 11 September extended beyond the official level to include Muslim and Christian leaders who also declared their solidarity with the US in its drive against terrorism. I am referring here to the statements delivered by Sheikh Mohamed Sayed Tantawi, the Grand Imam of Al-Azhar, and the Patriarch of the Coptic Church, Pope Shenouda III, during a seminar hosted by Al-Ahram in October. In my opening address to this seminar I stated that the attack against the US was "an act of terrorism, which is abhorred and condemned by all divine laws."

Sheikh Tantawi said, "What happened in the US was an atrocious crime, an act repugnant to religion, intelligence and humanitarian dignity." He added, "The strictures of the Holy Qur'an state explicitly that the murder of a single soul is tantamount to the murder of all humanity. All religions and all humanitarian minds concur over the sanctity of human life and the need to safeguard it from harm."

Pope Shenouda said, "We all have a single policy towards terrorism. This was expressed in the courageous, independent, frank and calmly considered position of President Hosni Mubarak, who cautioned against assault on innocent civilians." The Pope added, "No religion approves of terrorism. We are all against it in view of the innocent victims it claims and the economic havoc it wreaks."

In addition to condemnations of terrorism and declarations of solidarity, Egypt is cooperating with the US anti-terrorist effort on many levels, from the exchange of intelligence to granting the US request for the right of passage to mobilise forces in its military campaign against terrorism.

The US administration has expressed its deep appreciation for Egypt's positions. President Bush has praised Egypt's support for the US anti- terrorist efforts and lauded the prayer ceremonies that were held in mosques and churches in Egypt in commemoration of the lives of the innocent civilians who fell victim to the terrorist attacks against New York and Washington. On 26 October, President Bush called President Mubarak in order to express his gratitude for Egypt's cooperation in the fight against terrorism. A White House spokesman said that Bush also extolled the strong relations between Egypt and the US and thanked Mubarak for hosting US forces during the Bright Star military manoeuvres.

If the Zionist lobby and its supporters in the US resent the growing closeness of Egyptian-US ties, they are even more wary of Egypt's unwavering commitment to the need to distinguish between terrorism, which must be fought and eradicated, and the internationally sanctioned right to resist foreign occupation. President Mubarak's persistence in promoting this principle on every available occasion and in all international forums has succeeded in convincing many other countries to adopt this distinction, and has put paid to the Zionist propaganda that sought to brand the Palestinian national resistance as a terrorist movement. The president has also stressed that the Israeli occupation is responsible for the rise in violence and terrorism and that combating international terrorism requires above all an end to the Israeli occupation of Arab territories.

In his speech to the Formentor Symposium on 2 November, Mubarak outlined the causes for the deterioration of the situation in the Middle East. Israel, he said, has consistently refused to implement its obligations under the Oslo, Wye River and Sharm El-Sheikh I accords. Not only has it cited feeble political and security pretexts to justify this, it went so far as to undertake provocative actions that incited Muslim sensitivities, thereby igniting the second Intifada. Also, there is a prevalent misconception regarding the negotiating limits of the PA, especially as concerns Islamic holy places cherished by Muslims everywhere, above all East Jerusalem and Al-Haram Al-Sherif. Simultaneously, the current Israeli government has failed to realise security because it lacks a clear vision of what is necessary to bring peace, because it has taken conflicting stances towards the peace process, and because it has sought to achieve security through violence, blockade and other repressive measures against the Palestinian people.

The president went on to delineate what must be done to end the current deadlock in the peace process. Above all, the recommendations of the Mitchell Committee should be implemented faithfully, during which both Israeli and Palestinian leaderships must take rapid and courageous decisions to halt the cycle of violence and move towards negotiations. Simultaneously, the Israeli people and Jewish communities in the US and Europe should do their utmost to support the cause of peace and stability, while the EU and European Parliament should participate by raising awareness of the perils the current cycle of violence holds for the security of Israel and its interests in the Middle East.

The US administration has taken the Egyptian position into serious consideration. The US has begun to realise that Israeli terrorism poses a risk to the US drive against terrorism. President Bush drove home this message in his meeting with Shimon Peres on 23 October, during which he told the Israeli Foreign Minister that Israeli forces must withdraw immediately from the Palestinian areas they had recently invaded and refrain from reoccupying PA controlled areas in the future. Following that meeting, Peres announced that Bush had informed him in no uncertain terms, "The continuation of Israeli violence is compounding the difficulties of sustaining the international coalition against terrorism."

Washington has also begun to express its condemnation for the acts of repression and terror Israel is unleashing against the Palestinian people. In an official briefing on 23 October, a State Department spokesman announced that the US has made it clear to Israel that it must withdraw immediately from the PA areas and not to repeat such an incursion again. He also said that the US administration strongly condemns the killing of innocent Palestinian civilians by the Israeli armed forces... Israeli actions are unacceptable and regrettable, and Washington has asked Israel to ensure a halt to acts of murder and assassination.

Clearly, then, there can be no questions over Egypt's support for the US campaign against terrorism or of the US administration's appreciation of Egypt's efforts on this behalf. Nor can there be any doubt that Egypt's appeals on behalf of the Palestinian people, their right to resist terrorism and the need to discriminate between terrorism and the national liberation struggle are receiving a more sympathetic ear in Washington. These developments are a constant red flag before the Zionist lobby, as can be seen in the tendentious media campaigns against Egypt, propagating illusions which have no basis in reality -- such as the allegation that Egypt has failed to offer firm support for American anti-terrorism efforts, and that there is a crisis in Egyptian-US relations. The political leadership in Egypt is thoroughly aware of the objectives of these campaigns. As President Mubarak told Egyptian journalists on his return from a recent visit to the UAE and Kuwait, "The anti-Egyptian propaganda emanating from certain individuals in the US is, in essence, a blatant form of blackmail intended to keep us away from the Palestinians and halt our support for Palestinian rights."

This, then, is the hidden agenda behind the attacks against Egypt by Zionist writers in the US. Their campaign is doomed to fail, however, because Egypt-US relations serve the strategic interests of both parties and because Egypt's support of the Palestinian people is a moral commitment and, therefore, immune to blackmail.

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