17 - 23 January 2002
Issue No.569
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Al-Ahram Weekly Online 17 - 23 January 2002 Issue No.569 |
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The speech
Will the Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf's address to the nation change Pakistan's Kashmir policy and its attitude to militant Islam once and for all? Iffat Malik writes from Islamabad
In Pakistan, it was billed as an address that would change the "history of the country," that would send a "positive" message which India would be unable to ignore, and which would contain bold and drastic announcements. Musharraf's speech was finally delivered live to viewers of Pakistan Television late on Saturday evening, with a live feed to the BBC and CNN networks. It was indeed a "no nonsense" and determined speech. But did the president's much-vaunted address to the nation live up to the hype?
As Musharraf had made clear during last week's joint press conference with British Prime Minister Tony Blair, the main focus of the speech was to be religious extremism. Few laboured under any illusions as to this claim, however. The ostensible topic was nothing more than a cover for the real issue of concern in the region: heightened tension with India.
New Delhi has made a number of demands of Pakistan with regard to militancy in Indian Kashmir, which Indian Home Minister LK Advani summed up during his recent visit to the United States. India wants all terrorist groups operating from Pakistan to be stopped; all militant training camps in Pakistan to be restrained; all infiltration into Indian Kashmir to be stopped and -- furthermore -- New Delhi is seeking a clear condemnation of all forms of terrorism from Islamabad. President Musharraf's speech was Pakistan's response to those demands.
The cover of religious extremism was used to make any concessions by Islamabad to Indian demands palatable to the Pakistani public. Public opinion in Pakistan would be incensed by any perceived capitulation to New Delhi, but Musharraf gambled that the same measures, presented as part of an ongoing campaign to root out religious extremism within Pakistan, could be marketed to his countrymen.
Musharraf, therefore, began by stressing that Islam teaches "tolerance not hatred, universal brotherhood not enmity, peace not violence." He then outlined the steps that his government has taken to deal with the menace of religious extremism since assuming power by coup d'état in October 1999. His military government has closed Pakistan's border with Afghanistan to madrasa (religious school) students without valid documentation, started a disarmament campaign, urged ulama (religious scholars) at a major conference to shun extremism, and banned two militant sectarian groups: Lashkar-e- Jhangvi and Sipahe-e-Sahaba. All this was done in the period up to August 2001, before the phrase "war on terror" was even conceived of.
With reference to the post-11 September Afghan conflict, General Musharraf accused religious extremists of leading Pakistanis astray to fight with the Taliban and of causing economic losses to their own country by their protests. In the longer term, he said, extremists have started wars between different sects and schools of thought. He said he regretted the loss of hundreds of vital people -- doctors, lawyers -- as a result of sectarian violence, and condemned the use of mosques to spread hatred and violence. The General went so far as to claim religious extremists had created a "state within a state" where the writ of the government did not run.
With regard to madrasas he struck a more conciliatory note, however, commending the majority of these schools for the excellent welfare service they provide for the poor. The General did not leave it at that, however. He also slammed the religious schools for providing inadequate and inaccurate education, spreading religious hatred and violence and -- in some cases -- giving military training.
Finally, Musharraf addressed the key issue of the day -- jihad -- saying that military (armed) jihad was, in fact, a lesser jihad which may only be carried out with government authorisation. The fight against poverty and ignorance is the real jihad, said Musharraf.
Having laid the ground, the president went on to announce the measures that his government would be taking to address these problems. He tackled the Kashmir issue directly, saying Pakistan would continue to provide "moral, political and diplomatic support" to the freedom movement there, but adding a crucial addendum: No one will be allowed to engage in terrorism in the name of the Kashmir cause. Anyone caught doing so will face stern action, said Musharraf.
The Pakistani President then sent a direct message to Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee. Relations between the two countries can only be normalised through resolution of the Kashmir issue through dialogue, said Musharraf. Then, exchanging his presidential cap for that of the Pakistani Army's commander-in-chief, he also threatened that any Indian aggression would receive a strong response. Furthermore, he urged the international community, especially the United States, to play an active role in resolving the Kashmir issue.
Musharraf then addressed an issue of crucial importance to New Delhi, which has handed Islamabad a list of 20 militants it wants Pakistan to extradite. Musharraf announced that no Pakistani would be handed over to India.
President Musharraf did, however, urge Pakistanis to refrain from "interference in others' affairs" a reference to the penchant of some to wage jihad on behalf of oppressed Muslims. He told them to put Pakistan first, and make it strong before venturing into foreign lands. With regard to sectarian violence he banned two more sectarian organisations, Sipah-e-Sihaba Pakistan (SSP) and the Shi'a Tehreek-e-Jafria Pakistan (TJP). Three other groups, including Lashkar-e-Toiba and Jaish-e- Mohamed -- which are implicated in attacks on India -- were also banned. The president also announced that both mosques and madrasas would be registered and regulated in the future. In the latter, curricula will be widened to incorporate mainstream subjects like maths and English.
Musharraf may have intended that his words would defuse tension with India, but in reality everything now depends on how the Indian administration interprets his speech. No major concessions were offered to New Delhi. The extradition of the 20 people accused of terrorism by India was firmly ruled out, and Pakistan's commitment to Kashmir was reiterated. Furthermore, Pakistan's non-military commitment to the freedom struggle in Kashmir was redoubled. President Musharraf's speech could, therefore, be interpreted as more of the same, especially if one bears in mind the readiness to use force.
If the Indians focus on the president's rejection of jihad and of terrorism in the name of Kashmir, however, they could read into this a genuine change in Pakistani policy.
At the very least, the speech should ease some of the international pressure on Islamabad. President Musharraf cleverly painted a picture for the international community of the kind of environment in which he has to operate -- a "state within a state" -- and the problems he faces. By making his resolve to tackle religious extremists clear, Musharraf should win some sympathy.
As far as religious extremism within Pakistan goes, Musharraf emphasised that his government had announced some measures before. Aside from the ban on two sectarian groups, though, there was nothing substantively new in the decisions announced on Saturday.
The key question is not what the government announced, but how much it will be able to implement? The much-touted disarmament campaign, for example, has thus far proved a flop in practice. Successful implementation will depend on government resolve and the backing of agencies like the police and the judiciary, huge funds and cooperation from the religious groups. This is a tall order.
Reaction from the religious groups was, not surprisingly, negative. Many Kashmiri separatist and religious groups had already gone underground in anticipation of a government crackdown. Religious leaders lauded Musharraf's efforts to wipe out sectarian hatred and violence, but condemned what they saw as the choice being made to make Pakistan a moderate Muslim country rather than Islamic -- that is to say, theocratic -- state. They also condemned the ban on Jaish-e-Mohamed and Lashkar- e-Toiba as capitulation to India.
Still, resistance to Musharraf's announcements is unlikely to come in the form of mass street protests, because the religious lobby simply does not have the pulling power to mobilise that sort of movement. They will certainly resist on a small scale, however, opposing mosque and madrasa registration for example. For the Kashmir movement, however, the speech signals major difficulties ahead. It will be very hard for them to train and send fighters across the Kashmiri Line of Control without the cooperation of the Pakistan army and the Inter- Services Intelligence (ISI). They will, no doubt, be fuming but they will be powerless to do much more than that.
One big reason for the powerlessness of Islamist groups is that mainstream Pakistani society backs the president. Religious violence is a major problem within Pakistan. People are fed up with it and want change. Many, therefore, welcomed the measures announced by Musharraf. His stress on Pakistan's commitment to the Kashmir cause, the ambiguity about practical support for Kashmiri militancy, and the threat to Vajpayee, should be sufficient to defuse opposition because of Kashmir. Liberal elements, meanwhile, welcomed the speech as a long overdue clarification of the place of religion in Pakistan, separate from the state. For them, Kashmir has long been a burden that Pakistan should dump.
In the long-term, this speech could prove to be a truly historic turning point -- marking a change in Pakistan's Kashmir policy and the beginning of the end for religious extremists in the country. If it is not backed by strong implementation, however, it could prove the opposite and change nothing in Pakistan.
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