14 - 20 March 2002
Issue No.577
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Al-Ahram Weekly Online 14 - 20 March 2002 Issue No.577 |
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Player, not just payer
Europe, sick of footing the bills, is eager to play a broader, more influential role in the Middle East peace process, writes Paolo Prosperini*
Some years ago the term "payer, not player" was concocted as a diplomatic formula intended to describe the European Union's new political role in resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict. In other words, the EU was performing a role quite similar to that played by Japan and Germany in different international scenarios until very recent times. But since the beginning of the second Intifada, new possibilities are materialising for EU action in the Arab-Israeli conflict. In order to attain a better understanding of the new potential for action, it is necessary to consider what instruments are available to the EU in playing a role in the Middle East conflict.
The adoption of the Maastricht Treaty led the EU to resolve to use its Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) to manage a consistent and effective diplomatic line towards non-EU member countries, with specific reference to security issues.
Adopting a policy of common action was seen as being the best method of enhancing EU capability in security issues. Despite a lack of unanimity on whether these instruments are effective, the CFSP developed and was further refined in Amsterdam. The appointment in 1999 of former NATO Secretary-General Javier Solana as High Representative of the CFSP was a turning point but still left unresolved Kissinger's famous question over whom to contact in Europe in the event of a pressing international crisis.
Almost three years prior to this, Miguel Moratinos, then Spanish Ambassador to Israel, was designated the special envoy to the Middle East peace process. This was a move designed to ensure the EU's presence and support of the Oslo peace process. Moratinos's wide mandate included maintaining close contact with all involved parties and key regional and international players in the peace process, attending negotiations, offering advice to the conflicting parties, contributing to the implementation of agreements reached between them and engaging them diplomatically in the event of non-compliance with the terms of these agreements.
Moratinos carried out his duties admirably, keeping Brussels and the foreign ministries of individual member states constantly updated and in touch with the latest developments in the Middle East conflict.
Furthermore, the EU instituted the Common Strategy for the Mediterranean Region on 19 June 2000 in what was a direct reference to what kind of contribution the EU could be expected to provide under the so-called Barcelona process framework. The scheme stressed technical assistance and economic exchange.
As we can see from this brief and incomplete overview of the instruments the EU has at its disposal, the possibility for major EU involvement in the Middle East peace process has been high since the inception of the CFSP, but especially so recently. Today, it is commonly said off the record, the EU is assuming an autonomous and united political role detached from US policy on the Middle East peace process.
Two of the most visible examples of EU involvement in formulating its own Middle East policy were Solana's participation in the drafting of the Mitchell report as well as EU calls in 2001 for the deployment of an international buffer force to oversee a cease-fire. Both developments bear witness to the fact that Israel, the Palestinians and the international community are beginning to come to terms with a more high-profile EU role in the conflict.
Eventually, the EU's more autonomous role will lead to the proposal of a "European Plan" for settling the Israeli-Palestinian dispute. Recently-elected Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi correctly indicated the need for instituting a "Marshall Plan" tailored to creating a Palestinian state. In doing so, he was drawing the attention of his fellow EU heads of state to the importance of linking the current need for a cease-fire with the medium-term needs to enable the Palestinian state to be economically viable. Berlusconi was not alone among European leaders in adopting a political position that greatly diverges from the one espoused by the US. Even British Prime Minister Tony Blair has recently publicly admitted the need for an official EU acknowledgement of the Palestinians' right to independent statehood.
The US seems to be in agreement with Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's policy on ending the incidence of escalating violence. The EU, in sharp contrast, has tried to find constructive and innovative ways of resolving the conflict that do not involve wholesale support of one side at the expense of the other. However, there do remain occasions when certain EU countries act unilaterally, leading to duplication and confusion.
The EU needs to develop its own Common Foreign Policy as far as the entire Middle East peace process is concerned. The 15 EU member states do not have to launch a completely new proposal but, as the major donor and provider of technical assistance to the Palestinians, the EU can develop its role in a more political direction.
* Paolo Prosperini is lecturer in Theories and History of European Integration at the Mediterranean Academy of Diplomatic Studies, University of Malta. He holds the Italian Chair of Mediterranean Diplomacy and Relations
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