Issue No. 595
Opinion
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18 - 24 July 2002 Issue No. 595 Opinion |
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| Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 | Recommend this page | ||
In the beginning
Changes of track since 1952 have left Egypt with a lot of catching up to do,writes Ossama El-Ghazali Harb*
When Francis Fukayama announced the end of history a decade ago he was articulating what had become a commonly held view. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the disintegration of the Eastern Bloc was interpreted as history passing its verdict: liberal democracy, it appeared, had triumphed.
At the time of the July Revolution, however, other ends of history were still possible, at least from a non-Western point of view. This is something we must keep in mind in assessing the changing fortunes of the July Revolution, the high hopes it generated and the disillusionment that followed.
In the late 1940s Egypt was ripe for change. The Egyptian public knew it and so did most foreign powers. The monarchy was inept, corrupt, and contemptuous of democracy. The British were reluctant to pull out from the Suez Canal zone, despite armed resistance and many rounds of arduous negotiations. Political parties, including the Wafd, wasted precious time in futile bickering and the country changed governments every few months, sometimes every few days.
The July Revolution was greeted enthusiastically by the public, but this was not the only reason it succeeded. More importantly, foreign powers refrained from opposing it, were, perhaps, relieved that it had taken place. This is not surprising considering that the Cold War was just beginning. The US was eager to contain the communist threat and secure the region's oil resources. It was in America's interest to have a strong government in Egypt, one that could not easily be challenged by the communists. The US, at the time, wanted stable governments, regardless of how democratic they might be. Indeed, many US political theorists argued that military rule could do much to modernise backward societies.
Fifty years on there remains little to question about the declared goals of the revolution: the young officers who came to power in 1952 promised the country an end to colonialism, to feudal power in the countryside and to the hegemony of foreign capital. They also declared their intention to strengthen the army, promote social equity and establish "correct" democracy. These were the aspirations of a newly franchised nation, and they were shared by many newly decolonised nations across the globe. As nationalist leaders from Asia to Latin America looked to the future options seemed open. The Socialist Bloc's successes were admirable, occasionally surpassing that of the so-called free world. Russia had the bomb, a successful space programme, and a social engineering system that seemed to work. The first satellite launch was Russian, and the first astronaut.
It can be argued that there exists something in Egyptian history that made it easy to tolerate the totalitarian aspects of socialism. The army -- once in power -- had little patience for the niceties of liberal-style democracy. Socialism, still a vibrant and persuasive force, remained a favoured option among Third World countries, including Egypt. But the July Revolution was to face many obstacles and two decades later many changed tack. By the mid-1970s Egypt had begun to explore the greener pastures lying on the other side of the fence. The gradual shift towards liberal democracy, a market economy, and the power of civil society had, arguably, begun.
Such changes do not come about just because a book has become a best seller, or an ideology appears temporarily more alluring. They happen because the global scene has altered. No one can say if history has an end, or what the end is. But, for the moment, democracy and the market economy seem to be the best options available. This is why Egypt has changed course. And it has a lot of catching up to do.
* The writer is editor-in-chief of the quarterly Al- Siyassa Al-Dawliya, issued by Al-Ahram, and a member of the Shura Council.
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