8 - 14 August 2002 Issue No.598 Chronicles	Current issue Previous issue Site map
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Interim politics

Egypt's political history prior to the 1952 Revolution is replete with stories of cabinets coming into power only to be dismissed soon enough. This week, through a reading of the pages of Al-Ahram, Professor Yunan Labib Rizk recounts the drama behind the appointment of the first interim government in 1929 -- one headed by Adli Yakan

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Sir Percy Lorraine

During the period from the promulgation of the 1923 Constitution to the July 1952 Revolution, Egypt experienced at least two of what were called interim governments: the second Adli Yakan government (October 1929 to January 1930) and the fourth government formed by Hussein Sirri (November 1949 to January 1950). Both were the products of political crises largely precipitated by the policies of Abdin Palace.

The first arose after sixteen months of the "iron grip" of the Mohammed Mahmoud government (June 1928 to October 1929), a pro-palace cabinet that dissolved the elected parliament and suspended the constitution. The second came into being following a succession of minority party governments (1944 to 1949), which had pushed the country to near chaos. In both cases the way out of the crisis seemed to restore to power the powerful majority party, the Wafd, -- but only after an interim phase.

It is important to draw a distinction between interim governments and executive governments. Whereas the latter derived their remit directly from the monarch and typified the pre-constitutional period, the former were associated with constitutional mechanisms, or more precisely the abuse of constitutional mechanisms, leading to the exclusion of the majority party from power and rule by a minority party. The situation is one that few peoples can tolerate for long.

In the summer of 1929, the Mahmoud government reached a dead end. After a year in power the prime minister lost the two sources of power upon which he depended to impose his despotic rule. King Fouad, who initially welcomed Mahmoud's heavy hand since it had been brought in primarily to wield against the Wafd, soon found that hand extending into his domain seeking to appropriate some of his monarchical powers. The British, too, had initially rejoiced at the hand over of the prime ministerial portfolio to this Oxford graduate. Here was someone they could talk to, and, indeed, the negotiations that took place between Mahmoud and the newly elected British Prime Minister Arthur Henderson produced a long sought after agreement between the two parties. But, this in turn presented a crucial problem. On whose behalf would Mahmoud be signing? London was not willing to sign an agreement with an Egyptian leader who did not possess a majority support in parliament, since such an agreement would stand little chance of surviving.

It was not long before communications from Abdin Palace and Dubara Palace, the seat of the British High Commissioner to Egypt, led Mahmoud to understand that it was time to step down. However, his departure from the prime ministry would be neither swift nor smooth. Both the king and the high commissioner asked the prime minister to stay on until an understanding could be reached with the Wafd over the form of government in which it would participate. The situation was rife with potential for crossing swords.

High Commissioner Sir Percy Lorraine, with support from London, favoured a coalition government formed from the four parties that then existed: the Wafd, the Liberal Constitutionalists, the pro- palace Ittihad Party and the National Party, even if the latter would not contribute much to offsetting the Wafd. The Liberal Constitutionalists and Ittihad, which had little love for the Wafd, welcomed the idea. Not so the Wafd, which voiced its unequivocal refusal. All too vivid in the Wafdist memory was its bitter experience of less than two years previously. In 1928, Wafd leader Mustafa El-Nahhas headed a coalition government with the Liberal Constitutionalists that quickly disintegrated as the result of the machinations against him by the palace and by his coalition partners, at the head of whom was Mahmoud who formed the government that succeeded El-Nahhas's.

The British used every means at their disposal to pressure the Wafd into accepting a coalition. Above all, they threatened that if it persisted in its refusal it would forfeit the opportunity to obtain the best conditions London had ever offered for a treaty with Egypt. As Al-Ahram's correspondent in London wrote, "There are reports that, if the efforts to form a coalition government in Egypt fail, the British government will shelve the proposed treaty. It will also refrain from any further intervention in Egypt's domestic affairs, leaving his majesty the king full freedom of disposal in this domain, while the high commissioner will restrict his functions to safeguarding the British reservations stipulated in the Declaration of 28 February 1922, no more no less. His majesty will then be in a position to decide whether he wants to sustain the present form of government or to restore parliamentary life."

When the heavy hint failed to produce the desired result London declared its intent more openly. The London Times, known for its connections in the Foreign Office, reported that if the Wafd persisted in its position the British government would have no choice but to set aside the treaty and "allow the current system of government to prevail in the hope that time will soothe passions and that it will then be possible to reconsider the treaty in a climate that offers better prospects of success".

If such pressures had even begun to soften the Wafd's position the next British move would harden it again. In Cairo, Lorraine said that the Wafd must declare its position on the proposed treaty along with its acceptance of the idea of a coalition, a demand Wafd leaders rejected out of hand. In an interview with Al-Ahram, a Wafd leader stated, "The British have two conditions. The first is that the Wafd express its opinion on the draft treaty; the second is that it enter into a coalition government. As we have rejected the second condition there is no need whatsoever to consider the first."

As King Fouad also favoured the idea of a coalition government he, too, campaigned to persuade the Wafd to agree to it. He held meetings with Wafd leaders in Alexandria, where he was spending the summer. Several of these meetings were with party chief El- Nahhas himself and others with moderate Wafd leaders, most notably Wassef Ghali. The king's intercession also failed, leading the British press to conclude that the Wafd leadership had fallen prey to the influence of "extremists" such as Makram Ebeid, Ahmed Maher and Mahmoud El-Nuqrashi.

For its part, Wafd leaders, staying at San Stefano Hotel in Alexandria at the time of their talks with the king, felt it time to flex their populist muscle. Al-Ahram's correspondent in the port city reports:

"Casino San Stefano teemed with throngs of people. It so happened that, after finishing his dinner, His Excellency Mustafa El-Nahhas decided to leave his hotel and take a walk through the square to the place where the Mohammed Ali industrial school displays the work of its students. Some people there recognised him and cheered him. No sooner did others hear that cheer than they, too, cheered, and so it was that wave upon wave of passersby joined in until their numbers reached about 10,000. A small gathering had turned into a vast demonstration, with the cries and cheers of that enormous crowd following El- Nahhas and other Wafd members in his company back to the hotel. Meanwhile, the police around the hotel called in reinforcements who took up positions on either side of the main entrance to the hotel to prevent him from entering the Casino."

The message of this demonstration was not lost on the occupants of Abdin and Dubara palaces. Within hours after this event, Egyptians learned that Lorraine wired London describing the situation and asserting that the Wafd would never be brought around to the idea of a coalition. The only route left to the Foreign Office was to suggest an interim government to pave the way for the restoration of constitutional procedures, which would entail new elections that would permit the Wafd to assume power again. But, the British still stipulated a condition. The Wafd had to meet and vote on the proposed Anglo-Egyptian treaty so that its position on the treaty would become the focal point of the next parliamentary elections.

El-Nahhas's answer to the British demand was quickly forthcoming. In a public statement he announced that the Wafd "welcomes the British proposals to Egypt and considers them a positive step towards establishing solid bonds of friendship between Egypt and Britain." He added, "It is the opinion of the Wafd that the current government must resign and that a neutral government be formed to abolish all extra-ordinary laws and all restrictions that have been imposed on civil liberties."

The Wafd was conceded this round and the British, the Palace and the Wafd entered into consultation over who would head the proposed "neutral government". The first name put forward was Tawfiq Nasim, chief of the Royal Cabinet. In one of those rare instances where they concurred on an issue, the British and the Wafd opposed this nomination due to his obviously close ties to the king. Eventually a compromise was found in Adli Yakan Pasha.

On 4 October 1929, Al-Ahram featured a lengthy biography of this long-serving statesman who occupied a string of ministerial posts. He served as minister of foreign affairs in the pre-World War I government of Hussein Rushdi, then as minister of education in the government that was formed following the declaration of a British protectorate over Egypt. In 1921 he was appointed to form a cabinet, and during this first term as prime minister he headed the delegation that went to London to negotiate with the British. Adli's position in these talks, the biography adds, "reflected greatly on the honour of the Egyptian nation."

As head and co-founder of the Liberal Constituionalist Party he headed the first coalition government that was formed in 1926. He resigned a year later in protest against the stances and attitudes of his Wafdist coalition partners. He also left the Liberal Constitutionalist Party at this time, although he retained his seat in parliament.

As the relevant parties undoubtedly expected from a man of such calibre, Adli steered an even keel between rival forces. He made his intention to remain as neutral as possible explicit in his response to King Fouad's letter entrusting him with forming the first interim cabinet. He wrote, "The objective that the cabinet will pursue is to restore constitutional life and to hold parliamentary elections. These elections shall be free of all pressures or illegitimate influences to ensure that they faithfully reflect the will of the nation, after which the elected parliament will determine its fate."

Until the parliamentary elections were held, Adli vowed "to dispose of the affairs of the nation with a justness and resolve that will inspire trust and confidence in the hearts of the people." He also pledged "to ensure that Egypt's foreign relations, especially with Great Britain, remain as cordial and harmonious as possible."

He demonstrated his resolve to create a government that could meet these aims in the care he took to avoid candidates with a record of strongly biased political allegiances. Evidence of his success in this task is apparent in the biographical sketches of his cabinet members featured in Al-Ahram of 6 October.

Minister of Foreign Affairs was Ahmed Midhat Yakan: "a gentilhomme who entered government at an early age. When King Fouad assumed the throne, he appointed him governor of Alexandria. He was then appointed minister of agriculture under Prime Minister Rushdi in 1919 and minister of awqaf (pious foundations) in Adli's first government in 1921. An Egyptian notable with a flare for investment, Ahmed Yakan was instrumental in founding many major national enterprises, the most important of which was the Bank of Egypt, of which he currently heads the board of directors. He also supervises many of the subsidiary companies of the bank."

The transportation portfolio was given to Abdel-Rahim Sabri, "one of the few career civil servants who rose through the ranks of office to become directorate chief of Menoufiya and then governor of the capital of that province. As minister of agriculture in the government of Mohammed Said Pasha, Sabri proved himself a model of the government official who could make the most of his post. Recently, he was appointed a member of the Senate, in which capacity he steered clear of the harrangues on the floor while concentrating his energies on the work of the Senate committees in which he took part."

Adli's minister of finance was Mustafa Maher who, like Ahmed Yakan, entered government service at an early age and rose in the ranks to become directorate chief of Daqhaliya, in which capacity he acquired a repute for irresolute and efficient management. Maher's biography continues: "He was appointed minister of education in Tharwat Pasha's first government (1922), after which he dedicated himself to the service of farmers, in recognition of which he was elected head of the Egyptian Agricultural Syndicate."

Evidently, Al-Ahram archives contained only scant information on Adli's choice for minister of labour, Hussein Wassef. He was "a proficient engineer responsible for inspecting major projects, who was made minister of public works in the government of Tharwat Pasha (1922)."

Minister of Agriculture Wassef Semeika was "an official of the judiciary known for his breadth of erudition and fluency in foreign languages who was nominated to succeed the Coptic Patriarch Pope Cyril V. He served as minister of transportation in the first Tharwat government."

The minister of education was Hafez Hassan, who had once been a secretary to the British advisor to the Ministry of Interior. "The last post he occupied was as governor of the capital. Earlier, he had served as minister of public works and awqaf in the government of Yahya Ibrahim Pasha."

Adli's minister of awqaf, Ahmed Ali Pasha, "served in both the judiciary and executive. He was minister of agriculture in the cabinet of Tawfiq Nasim (1922), then minister of awqaf under Yehia Ibrahim (1923), although he resigned from the latter post. He is an appointed member of the Senate, in which he is noted for the cogent advocacy of his positions on the affairs of government and law that are brought before that body."

The ministry of war portfolio was handed to Mohammed Eflatoun, "educated in Europe where he obtained the highest degrees in engineering". Having risen in the ranks of the Railways Authority, he was the natural candidate for deputy minister of transport when that ministry was created. "He then was elected to the Senate in which he was a member of the 'silent party' -- only making his voice heard when votes were taken, preferring instead to air his views calmly in the various committees to which he was delegated."

The last portfolio, the ministry of justice, was given to Hussein Darwish Pasha. "A long-serving member of the judiciary, he served as minister of awqaf in the Youssef Wahba cabinet (1919) and again in the first Nasim government (1920), after which he resumed his position as a judge in the National Court of Appeals and then deputy chief justice of that court."

As is evident from the foregoing sketches not a single member of Yakan's cabinet was a prominent political party member or was associated with political party activity. In addition, although most had served in previous governments, these governments existed in the pre-constitutional period, which is to say before they were formed on the basis of party allegiances. It is also clear from their records that they were all highly competent and experienced individuals.

Al-Ahram put its finger on the nature of the first interim government in its editorial of 5 October the title of which asked, "Is the mission of the new government administrative or political?" It was both. On the one hand, the government was "charged with implementing certain executive measures to pave the way for the establishment of a constitutional government drawn from the members of an elected parliament and under the supervision of that parliament. It will thus issue the relevant decisions for the conduct of elections, the delineation of constituencies and the appointment of polling committees. It is also charged with administrating the government, but without devising a political programme for extensive reforms or fundamental changes that would require large allocations or a considerable span of time."

But, the government's aim was political. As Adli pledged upon forming his cabinet, his task was to restore parliamentary life and to revive mutual trust between the rulers and the ruled. Towards this end, therefore, this government "will apply existing constitutional laws and agreements and issue the appropriate measures".

In a subsequent article, Al-Ahram reminded readers that parliament had been suspended for fifteen months, during which "the people of this nation have continually demanded for its return until their will was heeded." All that remained now was to prepare the path to parliamentary elections, "free of all pressures and illegitimate influences". The article further enjoined government officials to refrain from any intervention in the polling process and to penalise those who do "so as to ensure that our parliament accurately represents public opinion". With regard to foreign policy, the writer was confident that the new government embodied the policy of all Egyptian governments, "which has always been founded upon fostering the best possible relations with foreign nations and upon promoting understanding with the British nation."

The British were equally optimistic over the Adli government. The Times commented that Adli only accepted the remit to form a government "out of the sincere desire to pull his country through this difficult phase as quickly as possible". The Daily Mail extolled Adli as one of the handful of men who could be accepted by all parties. The Daily News was relieved that the new government contained none of the members of the former Mahmoud government. In the Daily Telegraph we read, "This government with Adli Pasha at its head will inspire confidence at a time in which the Anglo- Egyptian treaty must prepare for passage through the Egyptian parliament."

Armed with such encouragement, the Adli government set out to business. The individuals it appointed to various executive posts were also not associated with party affiliations, which earned the Adli government further praise from the British. It initiated preparations for elections, although it noted that in this process its task was greatly facilitated by the fact that the existing constituency zones which had been approved by all parties two years earlier.

As it progressed, the Adli government stressed its determination to remain above party affiliations, a stance that was lauded in Al- Ahram, which observed, "This government is receiving aid and encouragement from every side, which is encouraging it to press forward with its tasks under a strict policy of neutrality."

Nevertheless, some feared that the interim government harboured the intention to stay in power. A government brought in to complete a certain task and then leave was an unfamiliar concept. Al-Ahram observed that whenever the prime minister was questioned regarding his intentions he would always answer with a smile, which meant, "No comment." The newspaper went on to express its surprise that people could entertain such questions in the first place as the government's task was explicit; reviving parliamentary life, a goal it was fully dedicated to.

As though to further put minds to rest, in Al-Ahram of October 12, Georgi Tannous presented an outline of what he considered to be the government's agenda. It would institute arrangements for fair elections untainted by intimidation or illicit means of enticement. It would reactivate and abide by constitutional provisions for the electoral process and it would explore the possibility of reopening newspapers that had been banned under the Mahmoud government.

However, Tannous overlooked the original cause for the dismissal of the Mahmoud government and the creation of this interim government: the proposed Anglo-Egyptian treaty. No prime minister, even one heading an interim government, could ignore that crucial issue, especially at a time when other parties were airing their opinions on it.

In an interview with the Daily Express, Mustafa El-Nahhas declared that only by ending the dictatorship in Egypt would it be possible to guarantee a lasting treaty. That condition, he added, was met and now that the country was preparing for general elections it was time to declare himself openly on the question of the treaty. He had always sincerely wished to reach an amicable agreement between Great Britain and Egypt. "Mr. Henderson's proposals are imbued with a spirit of friendship and concord, which has augmented the resolve of the Wafd to take the opportunity to reach a secure and honourable treaty."

The High Commissioner in Egypt was also optimistic. In his communications with Egyptian leaders, he said, he had reached the conviction that "they fully appreciate the concerns that Britain and Egypt must resolve and the benefits that will accrue to Egypt from a treaty. This has greatly encouraged my belief that they will be wise and sensible in their leadership of the people whose fate they represent."

Although the question of the treaty was to be taken up by the forthcoming parliament, Adli, too, felt he had to declare his opinion on the subject. In a statement to the Daily Express, he said, "I hope from all my heart that the new parliament approves the treaty, because Egypt is in dire need of progress in the domains of the economy, agriculture, industry, society and education." So saying, he bent himself to the task of preparing the country for elections to the "new parliament", which was just around the corner.

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