Issue No. 605
Special
Previous issue
Site map
|
|
26 Sept. - 2 October 2002 Issue No. 605 Special |
Current issue Previous issue Site map | |
| Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 | Recommend this page | ||
Democratic reform and continued struggle
According to Jamil Majdalawi, spokesman of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) in Gaza, his group is still playing an important role at the Palestinian arena, especially on the political level.
Like other Palestinian political movements, the PFLP has been hard-hit by the Israeli onslaught on the Palestinian people. PFLP Secretary-General Abu Ali Mustafa was assassinated inside his Ramallah office by an Israeli missile fired from an Apache helicopter gunship last year. His successor, Ahmed Sa'dat, was soon declared "fugitive" by the Israeli occupation army which began a manhunt for him and other top PFLP leaders. In May, Sa'dat was incarcerated in a Jericho prison under joint American-British supervision as part of an American- brokered deal that ended Israeli siege on Arafat's headquarters in Ramallah. Two months later, Israel arrested Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) Executive Committee member and top PFLP leader Abdel-Rehim Mallouh in Ramallah. He is now awaiting a military trial.
In light of the unmitigated Israeli repression and the absence of any light at the end of the tunnel, do you think Palestinian political and resistance groups need to change course?
It is true; the Israeli aggression on our people has reached unprecedented proportions. However, this is in a certain sense within the normal order of things, since we can't and shouldn't imagine a military occupation without terror and criminal repression. This terror was first embodied by the Zionist gangs in Palestine and is now practiced by the Israeli state. Indeed, it would have been impossible to consolidate this Zionist colonialist occupation without terror and crimes and massacres. In my opinion, there can be no end to Israel's state terror until the Zionist leadership is convinced that the price for the continuation of that terror is too high.
Therefore, we have no choice but to show more perseverance, more steadfastness and more resistance until we force the Zionists to come to terms with our national rights.
But don't you think the Palestinians need to review their tactics in light of what is happening and the unfavourable global situation?
Certainly, a review of the tactics is necessary at all levels, and we in the PFLP have repeatedly called for such a review. In fact we presented several plans on how to make the Intifada more effective and predisposed more adequately to serve our strategic national goals.
What was the gist of your proposals?
We proposed political, economic and social reforms. Politically, we proposed the reorganisation of the Palestinian house both at home and in the Diaspora. We proposed the formation of a unified leadership and putting an end to the current state of affairs, where one person holds all the reins and takes all the decisions. We also proposed that all our means be utilised to enable our people to remain steadfast and withstand Israeli repression.
Have the suicide bombings harmed the Palestinian cause?
There has been a lot of discussion on this issue. And I believe that much of the controversy over martyrdom operations was negative because it created the impression that we had to give concessions to the Zionists in return for nothing. Moreover, in my opinion, it is wrong to publicly condemn these operations as long as Israel keeps up its aggression against our people. In a nutshell, we can't and we shouldn't terminate martyrdom operations while Sharon's army is murdering our civilians. Nonetheless, we must always be conscious of the political expediency of our armed struggle.
What do you think the Palestinian strategy should be?
At this juncture of our history, I believe that our strategy should focus on ending the occupation in all the territories occupied in 1967 and establishing a Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital, as well as preserving the right of return of Palestinian refugees. And in order to reach our goals, we must employ all forms of struggle, including armed struggle, political struggle and non-violence.
Is the Oslo Agreement dead?
We believe that the agreement was born deformed and virtually dead for a simple reason, namely the fact that it didn't meet the most minimal level of our national rights and aspirations. Moreover, Israel never really viewed the agreement as a peace plan, but rather as a security arrangement. In any case, the death of this deformed brat was inevitable and we are not sorry for that.
What happened to the inter-factional national dialogue between the Islamic and national forces?
After we laboriously reached a draft agreement on a national action plan, our brothers in Hamas informed us that they have certain reservations about the draft plan and that they needed more time to study it. The Islamic Jihad took a similar position. Then we continued the dialogue with all the factions and presented a proposal whereby the programme is endorsed by everybody, with the reservations of Hamas and the Islamic Jihad attached to it.
Will the PFLP take part in the coming elections?
The PFLP calls for the rebuilding of our political institutions on a sound and democratic basis. We also call for the organisation of fair and free election based on the principle of proportional representation in order to guarantee political and ideological plurality.
We also call for the promulgation of a new election law free from the restrictions of the Oslo Agreement.
How do you see the resignation of the Palestinian government?
The government resigned after it became clear that it would lose a vote of confidence. There are people who would like to see a real change, there are those who want to secure a foothold for themselves in the next government, and still there are those who are preparing for the post-Arafat era. Nonetheless, I don't believe that this is the beginning of the end for Arafat, although this the first time the lawmakers dared say "No" to him.
Some Palestinians are worried that Sharon might embark on a new dangerous campaign against the Palestinians in case the US attacked Iraq.
Every thing is expected from Sharon. He is a war criminal and he can go to any extent to expedite his fascist designs against us. However, I believe that he has already done most of what he could possibly do.
|
 |
|
|||||||||||||||||
| ARCHIVES Letter from the Editor Editorial Board Subscription Advertise! |
WEEKLY ONLINE: www.ahram.org.eg/weekly Updated every Saturday at 11.00 GMT, 2pm local time weeklyweb@ahram.org.eg |
 Al-Ahram Organisation |
