Al-Ahram: A Diwan of contemporary life (472)
Another royalist party
In 1930, King Fouad encouraged the formation of a second pro-palace party to be chaired by Prime Minister Ismail Sidqi. The elitist and unpopular party was curiously named "The People's Party" and drew sharp criticism from the opposition. Al-Ahram, however, was sympathetic to the political newcomer and to Sidqi himself. Professor Yunan Labib Rizk* reviews the debate surrounding what one opponent termed "The Ghost Party"
During the reign of Fouad I (1922-1936), two political parties were especially created to enhance the autocratic powers of the king. The first was the Ittihad (Union) party, formed in 1925 in the wake of the assassination of Governor-General of Sudan Lee Stack, the subsequent fall of the government of Saad Zaghlul and his replacement by Ahmed Ziwar Pasha as prime minister. Headed by the deputy chief of the Royal Cabinet, the Ittihad Party claimed that it aimed to mend the rifts in the country caused by the conflicts between the Wafd Party and the National and Liberal Democratic Parties.
Al-Ahram had its suspicions, a scepticism shared by many of its readers. In a letter to the editor, one reader remarked, "It is difficult to see what benefit is to be derived from this party. If the intent of the Ittihad is to rally around the throne, our answer to it is that the entire nation already rallies around the throne with no need for a special party for that purpose."
It took only a few months for the new party to prove itself an utter failure. On 23 March 1925, national parliamentary elections brought in Wafd Party leader Saad Zaghlul as speaker of the Chamber of Deputies by a majority of 123 votes. His competitor, Abdel-Khaleq Tharwat, the palace's candidate, won only 85 seats, representing a coalition of all the pro-palace parties: the Ittihad, the Liberal Constitutionalist and the National Party. In a fit of anger, Fouad issued a decree dissolving the newly elected parliament on the first day it convened, and ruled through a proxy cabinet, without parliament, for the next 14 months.
In spite of its respite, Egypt's first royalist party failed to get stronger. In late May 1926, the Ittihad nominated 103 candidates for the forthcoming parliamentary elections, but by the time the electoral lists appeared their numbers had been reduced to 66. Some 40 candidates had decided to disassociate themselves from the party, and rightfully so. Only four of the remaining candidates succeeded in the polls, a result that sealed the death warrant for a party then only just over a year old.
One would have thought that Fouad had learned a lesson from this experience; however, events in 1930 proved otherwise. Perhaps the king felt that circumstances had changed sufficiently over the past few years to give the idea another try. Even so, he was not about to attempt to revive the old Ittihad Party. With its notorious reputation still hovering dankly over its grave, a resurrection would have required nothing short of a miracle. Instead, it would be far better to come up with a new party.
Several factors were in its favour. Firstly, Saad Zaghlul was no longer a presence to contend with and his successors came no where near filling the void the formidable national leader had left following his death in 1927. That the king could dismiss the Mustafa El-Nahhas government in 1928 with no significant resistance was indicative of a manoeuvrability he could never have enjoyed while Zaghlul was still alive.
Secondly, a blatantly pro-palace party was in power. The Ismail Sidqi government shared none of the weaknesses that characterised the pro-palace Ziwar government of 1924, which contained a number of Wafdist and Liberal Constitutionalist members. Whereas the latter, quickly brought down by the scandal that erupted in 1926 over the publication of Ali Abdel-Razeq's Islam and the Principles of Government, had acquired a reputation for timidity and vacillation, Sidqi was as ruthless as he was resolute. While the Sidqi government also contained members from other parties, notably from the Liberal Constitutionalist and Ittihad parties, he insisted that they resign from their parties so as to avoid any conflict in allegiances.
In addition, whereas the Ittihad was founded under the 1923 Constitution, Fouad's second attempt to form a royalist party took place after that constitution was abrogated, in 1930, and replaced by the so-called "Sidqi Constitution". The Wafd and Liberal Constitutionalist, the two parties that carried any significant weight among the public, condemned the new constitution and resolved to boycott elections held under its provisions. With no major competition left in the field, it was the perfect time to found a new party.
On 11 November, Al-Ahram reported that the purpose of this new party was "to defend and abide by the provisions of the new constitution which, the party's founders claim, serve the needs of the nation".
Within days, the picture became clearer. Sidqi was able to secure the support of several members of the Ittihad as well as six members of the Liberal Constitutionalist board of directors, in spite of their party's resolution not to support the prime minister. As the leaders of the Ittihad had done before him, Sidqi then turned to that segment of rural gentry whose loyalties and allegiances were dictated by their pocketbook rather than by the principles of a political party. Among the most prominent members of this class he won over were Ahmed Ramzi, Abdel-Razeq El-Qadi, Mustafa El-Minawi, Sultan El-Saadi, Ali Fahmi, Wahib Doss, Habib Doss, Ibrahim El-Malihi and Hassan Abu Gazya. If honey worked to lure the support of such individuals, the next step involved the whip. Availing himself of all the powers at his disposal, Sidqi coerced village mayors and elders to join his party and subscribe to its newspaper.
Contrary to its aversion to the Ittihad, Al-Ahram's attitude towards the new party was neutral. In fact, judging by the amount of space it gave over to articles promoting the Ittihad Party, the newspaper's management may well have supported the new party. Indicative of this stance was the editorial of 15 November 1930, entitled, "A defence of the new party by one of its members". This lawyer, Abdel-Maguid Nafie, attributed the success of the nascent party's membership drive to the fact that people were fed up with the policy of hot air and endless idle promises. "No wonder they pin their hopes on a party that promises to economise on talk and get down to work. Its efforts, thus, should enable it to fulfil its promises instead of merely spouting more and more promises." Another reason for the appeal of the new party, in Nafie's opinion, was that its founders had never been sullied in the mire of party politics. With "hearts ailing from the pains of their people," these leaders resolved "to heal the wounds of the nation and lift it from its slumber. These men are not politicians and, therefore, cannot be accused of trading in influence or suspected of exploiting the political process to their own ends. Nor are they merchants of patriotism seeking to control the masses by exploiting their feelings."
At 4pm on Wednesday 12 November, some 400 people assembled in the home of the honourable Mohamed Ali Hafez Bek. After tea, several speeches and a pledge of allegiance, the participants drove off to the Ministry of Finance and from there to the prime minister's office where Sidqi appeared and addressed the gathering. He said, "The times have changed and the spirit of the times have changed, which leads me to believe that the fabrications and allegations put about by rumourmongers have not the slightest basis in fact." Perhaps with the intent of interpreting this for Al- Ahram readers, a supporter of the party wrote to the newspaper stating that it was the party's intent "to educate the people in mature political behaviour, to develop a form of political struggle that is not based on deceit, rabble-rousing, slander and vilification, and the abuse of the rights of competence. The party will thus press forward towards its aim, abiding to this plan of defence. It will raise aloft the flag of independence and the banner of reform."
However, it was not until a week later, on 19 November, that the press announced the name of the party for the first time. In his memoirs, Ismail Sidqi relates that he first thought of calling it the Reform Party, but then changed his mind to the "People's Party". The name could hardly have been less appropriate.
According to Al-Ahram, the People's Party's constitutional assembly had met in Sidqi's home on Qasr Al-Aini Street two days earlier. Among those present were 11 pashas, 38 beks and an assortment of effendis and sheikhs. A large proportion of these titled personages also happened to be lawyers. The newspaper also observed that many members were absent, indicating that a significant proportion of those invited to join the new party were still wavering.
During that assembly, the party's articles of association were announced. In the first chapter, outlining the principles and goals of the party, the party pledged itself to the vague notions of independence of Egypt, an agreement with Britain, the abolishment of the capitulations system, joining the League of Nations and domestic reform in all aspects of public life. While other parties shared these aims, the novel point in the platform appeared in article five, in which the party pledged "to support the constitutional system, safeguard the authority of the nation and the rights of the throne".
The second chapter established that the headquarters of the party would be in Cairo, although it would have branch committees in all parts of the country. It also addressed conditions for membership: age, commitment to the party platform and annual dues, which were LE4, no paltry sum by the standards of the age.
The third article, discussing party administration, stipulated that "His Excellency Prime Minister Sidqi Pasha shall be chairman of the party." It is little wonder that the newspapers of the two major opposition parties, the Wafd and Liberal Constitutionalist, immediately dubbed the People's Party "Sidqi's Party".
In an attempt to justify this article, Ahmed Rushdi, the chairman of the founding committee of the party, argued that "Sidqi, alone, is the most capable of realising the aims of the party. His past record speaks of the sincerity of his resolve and his fortitude in times of trouble. Sidqi assumed power at a time when political storms swept the nation and he never hesitated for a moment in rescuing it from its plight. God has guided his steps due to the confidence and esteem with which he cherishes His Majesty the King."
The board of the directors of the party was to consist of 30 full members of the party. It would be responsible for "implementing the platform of the party, devising the necessary plans for remedying political issues, monitoring the finances of the party and drawing up an annual budget to present to the general assembly for approval".
As the new party was founded specifically to create a parliament that would adhere to the principles of the "Sidqi constitution", a large segment of its articles of association was dedicated to its Parliamentary Committee. Made up of party members in parliament, this committee was charged with "pursuing the principles and plans of the party through parliament", in the course of which it would "remain in permanent communication with the board of directors of the party for the purpose of consultation".
Ironically, the authorities vested in Sidqi under the party's organic law became one of the chief reasons Fouad eventually turned against the prime minister. Although Sidqi, in his memoirs, is lavish in his praise for the king, the monarch remained highly suspicious of the prime minister's attempts to retain so much power in his own hands. Thus, following that dramatic turn of events when Sidqi tendered his resignation as prime minister in 1933, he believed he would still remain chairman of the party he founded. That illusion was quickly dispelled when Fouad signalled his desire that the party chairmanship should be transferred to the new prime minister, Abdel-Fattah Yehia. Obviously, chapter two of the articles of association of the "Sidqi Party" turned out to be of no avail against the royal will.
If the People's Party was borne to the optimistic cheers of the royalists, its birth evoked the imprecations and admonitions of the Wafd and Liberal Constitutionalist parties, as voiced through their newspapers, Al-Siyasa, Kawkab Al-Sharq, Al-Balagh and Al-Dia', the latter's attack was perhaps the most scathing. In a commentary thick with sarcasm, the newspaper's Editor-in-Chief Tawfiq Diab expressed his "heartfelt gratitude to Sidqi Pasha" for having unwittingly performed the greatest service for Egypt. "Is it odd," he wrote, "that we should thank him for collecting those sycophants from the waste and refuse of the nation in a single barrel, thereby isolating those wretched souls with their stunted consciences in one quarantine? In concentrating that scattered pestilence and isolating it from the rest of the nation, he has spared the struggling people from their excretions, as pernicious as noxious poison in a sound body."
The "Party of Ghosts", as Diab dubbed the new party, was greeted with resentment and suspicion. "Is this not something that His Excellency Sidqi should have foreseen, reputedly gifted as he is with such perspicacity and prescience? Political party -- what tosh! It was Sidqi's good or bad fortune to come to power so as to feed Egypt an emetic and mete out other forms of punishment. For this he has no need for political parties. What he needs is the army, the police, steel helmets, thick and heavy truncheons and fierce firepower."
Diab was assured, however, that the members of the "Refuse Party" -- his other disparaging name for it -- were aware that they were assembled "from cast-off principles and the dying remnants of the age of sycophancy and hypocrisy". Consequently, it was not only despicable in the eyes of the nation, but in the eyes of its own members. They were "all paralytics, unable to venture out in various Egyptian environments unless secreting their withered and stunted limbs out of their awareness of the shame they bring on the nation, of the ignominy to which they have sunk by fighting Egypt in its day of distress. They have made Egypt a horn into which pours the money of all who wish Egypt only ill and disgrace, as long as they can wrest from such ill and disgrace personal benefit in rank, money or power."
What would be the fate of such men should Sidqi tumble, Diab asks. The answer was obvious: "If the fragile prop falls, can the building remain standing? If Sidqi, the base of the structure vanishes -- and this is his fate -- then what might one anticipate for those who staked their party, or, if you will, their political careers upon his cherished person?"
Sidqi harboured no small resentment against the press for such attacks against him. He confesses in his memoirs that the press was the most formidable weapon of his adversaries because of "its destructive power in a country that has not sufficiently matured and is not yet equipped to think for itself". He continues, "If I had had a powerful newspaper by my side my adversaries would never have succeeded in combating the 1930 Constitution and in disseminating their propaganda."
His new party was the solution. He rallied all his energies towards its mobilisation, as is clear from a series of reports in Al- Ahram on the party's progress. We read, for example, that a branch committee of the People's Party was founded in the Bab Al-Shaariya district of Cairo. Meeting to mark the occasion was "a large gathering of notables and eminent personages of this district, foremost among whom was Dr Youssef Bek Fahmi El- Bahnasawi, whom the participants had elected as committee chairman, religious court attorney Sheikh Ahmed Abu Shalou, the deputy chairman, and Abdel-Hamid Effendi Hammouda, secretary". The newspaper added that the speeches delivered during that assembly attacked the Wafd and Liberal Constitutionalist parties. It described the speeches as "powerful, deeply moving and inspiring, instilling conviction in the principles of the People's Party at the helm of which is His Excellency the Prime Minister."
Other reports announced the creation of other branch committees in Qalyubiya, chaired by a former member of the Liberal Constitutionalist Party, and Assiut, headed by Sheikh Soliman Mahran. The latter committee dispatched a telegram to Sidqi, declaring its support for his drive to "eradicate chaos", and its condemnation of the decision of the "rabble-rouser parties", as it described the opposition, to boycott the forthcoming elections.
Although the newspaper initially reported that 11 party branches were established in Alexandria, the Al-Ahram correspondent in that city subsequently admitted that he knew virtually nothing of them. "I believe they are still very small, having all been founded within the past ten days. Most of their members are young men long involved in politics and some of whom were formerly members of the many Wafd subcommittees in the city."
Sidqi adopted a second tactic against the opposition, which was to create an anti-Wafd and Liberal Constitutionalist front. Unfortunately for him, the only candidate for this front was the Ittihad Party, whose leaders he invited to the People's Party headquarters to seal their alliance. In his speech to this gathering, Sidqi extolled the unity of purpose and mutual understanding between the two parties, "which we anticipate will lead us to the realisation of the goals that we all aspire to in the interests of the welfare of the nation". His counterpart from the Ittihad Party, Helmi Eissa lauded the prime minister's initiative to form a coalition as indicative of his "noble aims and lofty sympathies", adding that the two parties were "resolute in their determination to serve our cherished nation".
In spite of the fact that the new party issued a newspaper -- Al- Shaab (the People) -- and the Ittihad had a mouthpiece also bearing the name of that party, Sidqi still feared the power of the opposition press. He, therefore, attempted to win other newspapers over to his side, especially the long-established and highly reputed Al-Ahram. Although determined to retain its independence, Al-Ahram was sympathetic, if not necessarily to the new party per se then to Sidqi and what it believed he stood for. The newspaper made its position clear in its editorial of 9 December 1930. Beneath the headline, "The new People's Party: a word on Egyptian political parties", the editor-in-chief wrote, "While the foreign policy platform of this party is similar to that of the other parties, its domestic platform contains vast promises. If it holds true to these promises, it can rely on the conviction and support of the people."
In spite of this foray into political party leadership, Sidqi was not a believer in party politics. As he famously put it in his memoirs, "I have divorced partisanship". He had never wanted to become the leader of a political party, he admitted, "as it is not in my nature to take sides". The confession, however, came rather late -- long after his experiment with the People's Party had been confined to the annals of history.
* The author is a professor of history and head of Al-Ahram History Studies Centre.
