Afghanistan on the boil
Anti-US sentiment in Afghanistan is growing in spite of renewed US attempts to assure Afghans of Washington's commitment to their country's reconstruction, writes Negar Azimi
In what is widely viewed as an attempt to show that the United States has not forgotten Afghanistan, in the face of new found commitments in Iraq, US Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld paid a visit to Afghanistan earlier this week. His trip was part of a larger tour of the Middle East and South Asia. It comes as the latest in a string of gestures aimed at reaffirming US commitment to the reconstruction of the historically war-ravaged country. The visit also aims to help the government of interim President Hamid Karzai, whose tenuous grip hardly extends beyond the capital.
Renewed fighting this month in Afghanistan has served as a stunning reminder that the American-led military campaign is anything but coming to an end.
Last week was no exception as two American soldiers were killed near the US position at Shkin in the southeastern province of Paktia. A group of 20 rebels opened fire, in broad daylight, on American and Afghan forces wounding six other soldiers as well.
The attack marked the second time in one month that US soldiers have been killed in Afghanistan while taking part in anti-terror activities. Two members of the Special Forces were previously killed on 28 March in an operation attempting to capture suspected Taliban gunmen in the southern Zabul province.
In the meantime, daily attacks on the Kabul-based International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), US-led Special Forces and Afghan government troops have become the norm. Such attacks have often originated from regional warlords fighting for control of pockets in the country. The recent developments, however, point to resurgent elements of the broken Taliban -- launching attacks on what is widely viewed as a puppet regime and held up by an occupying force.
Most incursions originate from the porous Pakistani border. It seems the US-led war on Iraq has provided an impetus to extremist elements -- who frame the US presence as part of a larger scale neo-colonial question and, more importantly, as a war on Islam.
Karzai paid a visit to Pakistan last week in order to gain assurances from Pakistani President Parviz Musharaf that Islamabad was doing its part in rooting out members of the Taliban. Many have found shelter in the neighboring country after the fall of the regime in November of 2001.
According to Barnet Rubin, an expert on Afghanistan and director of New York University's Center on International Cooperation, the results of Afghan-Pakistani cooperation have been mixed.
"Pakistan has cooperated in finding senior Al-Qa'eda leaders on its territory but has not yet turned over any Taliban leaders, many of whom are living rather openly in Pakistan," he said in an interview with Al- Ahram Weekly.
The views of ordinary Afghans, towards a foreign presence on their soil also remains a crucial issue. This is particularly important at a time when the US seems to be calling all the shots regarding the reconstruction efforts in the country. The US is the single biggest donor to post-Taliban Afghanistan, funnelling millions into the country to rebuild its shattered infrastructure.
Afghanistan is no stranger to foreign occupiers -- from Genghis Khan and his Mongol entourage in the 13th century to the Soviets between 1979-1989. Nevertheless, there are increasingly signs that Afghans have had enough. Several factional leaders, including former Taliban commander Mullah Dadullah, have espoused the waging of a jihad against the foreign presence, while anti-American sentiment seems to be hardening among the masses.
US military errors have taken a heavy toll on civilian lives. Most recently, 11 civilians were killed in a botched US-led operation in the east of the country.
Daily military raids on villages have left a bitter taste in the mouths of many inhabitants, while large-scale airborne operations continue in remote corners of the country's rugged rural terrain.
Many are left wondering what these campaigns achieve -- particularly since the focal point of the campaign, former Taliban leader Mullah Mohamed Omar and Osama Bin Laden, both remain elusive.
But ominous signs exist. Last week, Karzai appointed a 33-member commission to draft a constitution. An initial consultative process will culminate with a constitutional loya jirga, or grand council. The final draft of the document is to be prepared for October as stipulated in the Bonn Agreement. Without a doubt, drafting a constitution that effectively represents Afghanistan's myriad factional, religious, ethnic and political interests is a mammoth task. Nevertheless, last week's meeting and the commitments reached, represent a step in the right direction.
In another positive nod toward national unity, Afghanistan's senior military commanders met last week to discuss strategies to demobilise thousands of renegade fighters. They also discussed ways to construct an effective multi-ethnic national army. The gathering, the first high-level military meeting since the fall of the Taliban, was marked by many lofty pledges.
Despite the gains and accompanying rhetoric, one thing remains clear: the Afghans faced with the task of running this country will have a tortuous road ahead. History has taught us that the practice of nation- building in this part of the world is not a simple one.
