Al-Ahram Weekly Online   10 - 16 July 2003
Issue No. 646
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Braving the Mediterranean

Immigration and asylum are heading the Italian political agenda, writes Samia Nkrumah from Rome

Immigration and asylum are currently topping the agenda of EU discussions, and in Italy in particular the debate has been making headlines for days. Three incidents in the month of June alone, where scores of would-be immigrants drowned as they tried to reach Italian shores, focussed attention on the rise in immigration and the need to strike a balance between clamping down on illegal immigration on one hand, and giving shelter to those who would qualify for refugee status on the other.

The flood of prospective immigrants who land by boat on Italy's extensive coastline led the Italian government to sign agreements with a number of North African and Balkan countries. Last Thursday, Italy concluded an agreement with Libya seeking to stem the flow of would-be immigrants. Italy has signed a similar agreement with Albania.

The anti-immigration Northern League Party in the government coalition has recently become more vocal in its criticism of the government for what it perceives as the failure to take a tough line on illegal immigration. The League has threatened to pull out of the coalition, a threat that has been made before, but which is always a stark reminder of one of the reasons behind the fall of the 1994 Berlusconi government.

Over the last decade, but particularly in the last few years, there has been an influx of immigrants arriving in Italy, many of whom use the country as a temporary stop in transit to other European countries. With the advent of summer and calmer seas more smuggling is expected, carrying immigrants who, if caught, are sent to nearby accommodation centres and camps.

The debate within the government has pitted the Northern League against all other parties, ranging from conservatives to Christian Democrats and Catholic parties. It was the same Umberto Bossi, leader of the League, and now minister of reform, who was behind the Bossi- Fini law on immigration passed only a year ago. This law allows for quick expulsions, or the arrests, detention and imprisonment of immigrants. It also links stay to work contracts and makes it more difficult for families to join legal immigrants. Critics of the law have maintained that it unfairly equates immigrants with criminals and does not consider them as persons but as goods to be used and discarded at will.

Bossi's rhetoric calling for police to be allowed to use cannons on immigrants arriving by sea is regarded by many Italians as "extreme, violent and stupid", as one commentator put it.

Even the conservatives believe Bossi has gone too far. Interior Minister Giuseppe Pisano from Berlusconi's Forza Italia Party was praised by the centre-left opposition and the Christian Democrats for arguing against the League's stance and insisting that this is a humanitarian problem that must be addressed and that foreign workers are a necessity for Italian firms.

During World Refugee Day celebrations in Rome last week, Augustine Mahiga, the representative of the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) in Italy, told a conference that Italy was the only European country without a comprehensive asylum policy and law, even though the right to asylum is enshrined in the country's constitution. Mahiga told Al-Ahram Weekly that at present, one of the conditions of new members to join the EU is the enactment of comprehensive laws on asylum. Referring to the Bossi-Fini law, Mahiga said that out of about 35 articles, the law contained only two on asylum. However, a positive aspect about the articles in question is that they propose the creation of eight commissions on immigrations and asylum, rather than just one, in which the UNHCR will have more than a merely consultative role. The articles also introduce the decentralisation of decision-making on asylum, thereby hopefully making it easier and faster to process applications. However, Mahiga regrets that the law does not provide for a reversal of judgment on a case, thus denying a legal restraint on deportation.

Mahiga said that European countries, including Italy, are working closely with African countries through initiatives like the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) to address problems such as conflict resolution and security which are now recognised as the root cause of the refugee problem, combined with economic incentive.

In one incident this week, 34 Kurdish people who arrived from Turkey gathered in Venezia Square at the centre of Rome to underscore their plight after their applications for asylum were rejected. The 34 went on a hunger strike two weeks ago. On a visit to the site of the gathering, the UNHCR representative to Italy confirmed that his office has intervened on their behalf and has officially requested the Interior Ministry to review their case on moral grounds. Many other similar cases are supported by various Italian human rights and Catholic groups as well as some NGOs such as Women in Black.

There are few studies currently available on attitudes towards immigrants in Italy. The present government did campaign promising a tougher stance towards both immigration and crime, and some Italians make a generalised connection between immigrants and security due to the fact that there have been highly publicised incidents of violence involving illegal immigrants. Without residence permits, work or shelter, many feel compelled to turn to crime to survive. On the other hand, pro-immigration campaigners argue that this makes the case for legalising the stay of immigrants even more pertinent. It is also true that since the Berlusconi government came to power, there has been a 30 per cent increase in the expulsion of asylum seekers according to one study.

At the same time, the Italian public is not inherently racist. Only a decade ago the country completed the transition from a country of emigrants to that of immigrants, and it is still too early for Italians to associate immigration with a threat to cultural identity. Studies estimate immigrants to be between two to three per cent of the population, a far smaller population compared to other main European countries. But the rate of clandestine immigration is growing as at least one study suggests that Italy is the European country with both the most non-EU seasonal immigrants and the highest rate of undocumented immigration.

Significantly, the Vatican adopts the line that immigration is a moral imperative and that it is in the best interest of Italy to accept immigrants. For example, the Sant'Egidio Community, a prominent Catholic group, is known for providing assistance to immigrants. The organisation sets up and manages schools in Rome for thousands of immigrants. On the other hand, there have been in the past some extremist Catholic figures who have called for Italy to adopt immigration policies that favour Catholics over other religions in order "to save the nation's identity". But these are minority voices which have even earned criticism from most Catholic bodies.

There are many, even among the conservatives, who believe that immigration trends are regulated by economic necessity. There has been an increase in demand for non-EU immigrant workers in the last few years to fill unskilled and semi-skilled jobs in firms, particularly in the north-east of Italy. These jobs are low-paying and the number of Italians willing to take them is insufficient to fulfil industry demand. In addition, the falling birth rate and aging of population has caused many to view foreign labour as critical if Italy is to sustain generous social security benefits.

Between the Vatican's position and the recent immigration trend, Italians by and large show some degree of tolerance to immigrants. For example, it is a common sight to see non-EU, particularly African, street vendors in major Italian cities like Rome, Venice and Florence. Although everyone knows that the street vendors are unlicensed, people buy their goods because they are cheaper and willing to bargain. In a telling incident, one low-brow programme featuring competitions between different groups of society broadcast an episode wherein vu compras were pitted against businessmen and women. The term "vu compra" originates in the fact that many of the street vendors ask "do you want to buy" in faulty Italian. Many of the vu compras are perceived as extracomunitario, a term which has derogatory connotations and refers to non-EU or non-white immigrants. Participants in the programme have to submit to all manner of quizzes and contests, and the audience votes to chose the winner. The vu compras won the show.

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