If you can't lick them, join them
It may prove impossible for Democrats to beat Republicans at their own game, writes Amelia Hoover from Philadelphia
Like all serious American presidential candidates, Democrat Joe Lieberman, a senator from Connecticut, likes to toy with clichés. The old sports metaphors "beat 'em at their own game" and "if you can't beat 'em, join 'em" have so far served Lieberman well. Whether they will continue to serve him -- as well as other Democratic candidates -- in the drive for the party's nomination and the presidency is questionable.
Taking a cue from Bill Clinton, Republicans and Democrats alike are looking for ways to edge onto the other's turf without sacrificing an inch of their own. Unfortunately, there are no charismatic Bill Clintons in this year's Democratic field. Smart people and good politicians abound, but not one of the nine candidates is capable, as Clinton was, of beating Republicans at their own game. The calculated moderation of Lieberman, North Carolina Senator John Edwards, Missouri Representative Dick Gephardt and others is bound to fail in the absence of any Clintonian charisma.
Clinton made "beat 'em at their own game" something of a Democratic national pastime, co-opting welfare cuts and other conservative policies to great effect while managing, just so, to outrun personal scandal. Clinton's interpersonal skills afforded him the right to ignore what remained of the American left, but the performance of Al Gore and Lieberman in 2000 shows us what becomes of the uncharismatic when they play who's-got-the-middle.
While Bush lacks Clinton's intelligence and glitter, even his most vehement opponents now recognise his political know-how.
After all, this is the man who convinced Americans of the existence of something called "compassionate conservatism" even as he snuggled up to corporate pirates in the post-Enron era as well as coddling the religious right. Bush is the president who successfully sold tax breaks for the rich to an already struggling middle class, and who unblinkingly lied about his War on Terror and got away with it. Partly due to these lies, some 50 per cent of Americans polled these days believe that Saddam Hussein somehow masterminded the 9/11 attacks, despite the fact that there is no evidence for such a claim. All this while Bush has implemented plans to battle AIDS in Africa through a multi- billion dollar faith-based abstinence campaign that leaders all over the continent have called naïve.
To the extent that voters swallow the "compassionate" patina covering the Reaganite core, Bush has indeed beaten Democrats at their own game. But in a post-9/11 world, politics is anything but a game, and for policy abroad, ordinary Americans pay the heavy price of international condemnation and an economically unsustainable, morally untenable security state.
The game, nevertheless, is on, with Joe Lieberman positioning himself as a moderate by demonising alleged radical leftist Howard Dean in the press.
In a clear reference to Dean's candidacy, Lieberman told an audience at the National Press Club that the "extremist" politics of the left were "a ticket to nowhere". Lieberman warned that leftist Democrats "will not solve the challenges of our time, and could send us back to the political wilderness for years to come".
Only in times of artificially heightened fear among both politicos and average citizens could a man like Howard Dean be considered part of the left. He attempted to introduce universal health care in Vermont and ultimately backed down. He supports the death penalty in certain circumstances and, as governor, received high marks from the gun lobby. During his tenure, Vermont made creating a business-friendly environment a priority by improving its bond rating from the worst in New England to the best.
Despite these rather centrist aspects of Dean's political personality, he is identified as a clearly left- of-centre candidate, capitalising on this identification. Dean led the nine Democratic candidates in fundraising during the second quarter, establishing himself as a formidable primary opponent. He leads the Democratic field in key early primary states like Iowa and New Hampshire.
Close on Dean's heels is the only-slightly-less- liberal Massachusetts Senator John Kerry, who, despite his support for the president's incursion in Iraq, has situated himself to the left of most Democratic contenders.
While Kerry and Dean may emerge as potential contenders for their party's nomination, Lieberman seems to remain ahead. However, if Lieberman were to lead the pack, the Democratic Party may have to pay the price. Judging from opinion polls, Lieberman's strategy -- which effectively mirrors Bush's tactics -- will not revitalise the Democrats this primary season.
As for the presidential election, Lieberman's options look equally bleak. Should he gain the Democratic nomination, he would most likely be outgunned on the right and frozen out on the left by candidates with more solid credentials -- like Ralph Nader. At the end of the day, it looks like Lieberman's probable candidacy may spell another bout of defeat for the Democratic Party.
