City of fire
Despite its vast oil fields, the city of black gold suffers from a chaotic present and an unknown future. Nermine Al-Mufti reports from Kirkuk
Kirkuk, the non-Arab city located 280 kilometres north of Baghdad, has always been given particular attention by Iraqi regimes, especially the Ba'athists, because of its oil reserves. Ethnic cleansing has been the order of the day in that city since Saddam Hussein started planting tribal Arabs from central and southern Iraq and expelling Turkomans and Kurds in his efforts to "Arabise" the city. The beginning of April, however, saw the dawn of a new era for Kirkuk, when the giant statue of the ousted leader located in the centre of the city, was toppled on 10 April. The city seemed to be united in harmony -- but not for long
The clashes began over flags. The Patriotic Union of Kurdistan took to hoisting their flag above every single building and school in Kirkuk. The Turkoman National Front also got in on the act, flying their flag side by side with the Iraqi flag. Then other parties started to follow suit by hoisting their own banners. Painted flags then started appearing here and there on walls. In the midst of this riot of colour, the Turkoman and Iraqi flags were torn up, and the American authorities requested the Iraqi flags to be hoisted above public buildings and schools.
The clash of colours soon developed into clashes of fire. Former displaced residents returning to the city soon found themselves without homes. Their houses had either been allocated to the Arabs planted in the city in their stead, or simply demolished. Despite the many calls for forgiving and forgetting by the various party leaders, the returnees were unable to comply. Arabs were attacked on the streets and some even abandoned their houses. The leaders of the various parties appealed for calm, making promises of investigations, court cases and compensation -- but in vain. Thus began the riots between the Kurds and the Turkomans, both claiming the city as their rightful heritage.
I spoke to a number of people to gauge their reactions to the events. Ali Al-Zubaidi, a Kirkuk Arab whose family came to the city centuries ago said that, "all through my life I had good relations with the Kurds and Turkomans. There were many mixed marriages. I admit that the former regime committed many atrocities against these people, but this is not our fault. Why are we paying for it now?"
But Dilshad Fuad, a Kurd, has another story to tell. His family was expelled by the former regime in June 1992 and spent a decade in refugee camps in Suleimaniya. "We suffered a lot," he said, "and we returned last April." He maintains he is not interested in revenge, he simply wants his property returned to its rightful owner. He maintains it is the political parties who are responsible for the crisis in the city. "I kept up relations with my Arab and Turkoman friends, and they helped me a lot when I returned. The old regime tried to divide us, so we should be striving to reunite."
Ismail Mohamed, a Turkoman, agrees with Fuad. "Go to the cemeteries. There you will find graves of Turkomans, Kurds and Arabs. Our grandfathers lived side by side, and were buried side by side. We are from this city, and I simply don't know why these problems still exist. Kirkuk was, and still is, an Iraqi city."
Despite these sentiments, two statues of Turkomans who were martyred in 1959 by communist Kurds were attacked. A young Turkoman was shot and the Kurdish flags were shredded. The city council, which has representatives from all ethnic groups, tried to achieve calm, but their efforts served only to deepen the ethnic divide. By unevenly distributing public posts, some sections of society feel marginalised. The Kurdish section of the population is usually allocated the lion's share of jobs, and they insist that Kirkuk is part of Kurdistan. The Turkomans, on the other hand, lay claim to the city, brandishing statistics from as far back as 1957 and a 170- year-old map as proof.
The violence reached its peak on 22 August. A holy shrine sacred to Shi'a Turkomans in Tuz Khurmatu, 70 kilometres south of Kirkuk, was attacked. Turkomans turned out in force in protest and they, in turn, were attacked. American occupation force members who tried to control the situation shot and killed many Turkomans. Another Turkoman demonstration was organised a couple of days later in Kirkuk and two protesters were killed.
The clashes in Kirkuk are mainly sectarian in nature. The Kurdish governor of Kirkuk ordered an investigation. The newly elected president of the Turkoman National Front, Farouk Abdullah, said that as a result of the investigation, 300 Kurdish police officers were expelled from the city. These people, he said, were not originally from Kirkuk, and he maintains dividing up the city in proportion to ethnic population is the solution to avoiding such violence in the future. For example, he said, "the Kurds make up 40 per cent of the police force, Arabs 30 per cent, Turkomans 15 per cent, Keldo-Assyrians five per cent. Kirkuk is an important part of Iraq and we are Iraqis first, then Turkomans." There are also elements, he added, which try to sow the seeds of sedition within the city "for their own ends. We are trying to avoid chaos by bringing those who cultivate it to justice".
But can it be avoided? Like in other parts of Iraq, the ethnic and sectarian decisions in Kirkuk are running ever deeper. The governing council, army and cabinet are being established on sectarian and ethnic bases and while the Iraqi people try to avoid dividing their country, they feel the main stream of power is acting against their interests and without their consent.
