Two steps forward
Arab-American empowerment appears to be an elusive dream,
writes Maya Berry* from Washington
Analysts of the American political scene have long been engaged in assessing the political strength of the Arab-American community. Most of them conclude that Arab- Americans have much to achieve before they can be considered a significant force in American politics. Arabs in the Middle East often ask why Americans of Arab descent have not done more to influence US foreign policy in the region. Observers want to know where the candidates, the money and the votes are, which are essential for an empowered community.
The American press raises similar questions every presidential election year. While still a small percentage of the general population -- approximately 1 per cent -- Arab-American voter turnout is above the national average and community members are concentrated in key swing states where the margin of victory may be so close that a group of organised voters can make the difference.
The story begins with political isolation. Candidates seeking the support of a highly organised, politically-active Jewish community and viewing the political process itself as a zero- sum game, rejected the first organised political involvement of Arab-Americans because they thought it would mean losing Jewish support. With some exceptions, endorsements and financial contributions of Arab-Americans were shunned throughout the 1980s. Candidate support committees were created, but received little interest from the candidates or their parties. Arab-American involvement in a campaign remained a potential liability.
While most other ethnic communities take pride in their hyphenated status, Arab- Americans often find themselves fighting to add the "American". In the eyes of most Americans, they are simply Arab. As such, Americans of Arab descent have remained "foreign" or the "Other" in the American psyche. Even though this community has been arriving on America's shores since the late 19th century, it is continuing to establish itself -- building institutions, places of worship and vibrant, thriving communities across the country.
Like other ethnic communities, Arab- Americans have attempted to affect the political process as an organised constituency. However, unlike most other ethnic groups, Arab- American failure or success in politics has been directly tied to circumstances beyond their control thousands of miles away in the Middle East, where the complexities of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the "special friendship" between the US and Israel kept candidates from courting them.
Then came the Oslo Accords and the White House signing ceremony attended by Arab- Americans and American Jews. When Arafat and Rabin made their famous handshake in 1993, another stalemate of sorts was broken in American politics. The beginning of the peace process itself also signalled the beginning of joint Arab-Jewish political activity in support of it. It was this formula that made the political involvement of Arab-Americans acceptable. The issue was never about the Americans of Arab descent who had been active in union organising, who had served in President Reagan's administration or were members of Congress. Being Arab-American was incidental at best, and overlooked as long as Palestine never came up.
In American politics, it had always been Arabs versus Israelis, and Arab-Americans were simply "Arab". While bringing little peace to the region, the peace process altered that political dynamic. American Jews and Arab-Americans began to organise, not by ethnicity, but by support for or opposition to Oslo. The resulting coalitions opened doors to both the Republican and Democratic parties.
Understanding this history allows one to appreciate why the prevailing Arab view of Arab- Americans as a politically unorganised community with little ability to compete with the all-powerful pro-Israel lobby is simply wrong. Two recent events in the mid-western state of Michigan illustrate this point.
The Michigan-based American Arab Chamber of Commerce brought together hundreds of key power brokers in September for their first annual US-Arab Economic Forum in Detroit. Arab media from every corner of the region converged on the event. For many, the big story was that Secretary of State Colin Powell gave a not-so-well received hard-line speech. However, there was little coverage of those who shared the stage with the secretary that night. As Executive Director Nasser Beydoun noted, assembled in that room were CEOs representing ten per cent of America's GDP -- $1.3 trillion -- and Arab-Americans brought them there.
Following this, the Washington-based Arab- American Institute held its national leadership conference in Dearborn, Michigan. In addition to the advocates gathered from across the country for the first time, every major presidential candidate participated. Once again, a broad representation of the media, both Arab and American, was gathered and the big story again was an unpopular speech. This time it was presidential candidate Senator Joseph Lieberman being "heckled" -- ironically not by an Arab- American -- for his views on the Middle East. Despite this, however, the real story was the success of the conference itself. Missed by many was that in a little more than two decades of organising, the community has brought every presidential campaign to their doorstep seeking its support. It seems that the objection to Lieberman was just easier for many in the media to note because it fits neatly into their "Arab-American" box. Unnoticed was that another senator -- North Carolina's John Edwards -- was interrupted with applause for stating his support for pay increases for teachers.
There is much organising and work still to be done. However, in September and October we saw the money and the candidates. Come November 2004, we will see the votes and a community come of age.
* The writer is co-founder and principal of the MidAmr Group, which works to improve relations between the United States and the Arab world. She previously worked as a congressional staff member and as government relations director for the Arab-American Institute.
