Obituary:
A reformer's faith
Ma'moun El-Hodeibi (1921-2003)
Ma'moun El-Hodeibi's legacy is a mix of political pragmatism and personal ambition. Known as a reformer, El-Hodeibi was also a strong believer in a peaceful, gradualist approach to bringing about an Islamic order . He passed away this week at the age of 83.
Senior members of the Muslim Brotherhood, the outlawed group that Hodeibi led, described their late supreme guide's ideas as "reflecting a sense of moderation". At the same time, he was the most vocal of the group's old guard, his statements sought out by a spectrum of media outlets. He was also -- during his 14- month reign at the Brotherhood's helm -- often the target of scathing criticism. This might explain why most newspapers, even pro- government ones, ran news of El-Hodeibi's death on their front pages, a precedent of sorts.
El-Hodeibi was born in 1921 to a prominent political family. His father, Hassan El- Hodeibi, was a close associate of Brotherhood founder Hassan El-Banna. When El- Banna was assassinated in 1950, Hassan El- Hodeibi took over the group's top post, until his own death in 1973.
Young Mamoun El-Hodeibi, following in his father's footsteps, pursued a judiciary career after earning his law degree. He also joined the ranks of the Brotherhood's political wing at an early age, and was arrested for the first time in 1965, during violent confrontation between the group and late President Gamal Abdel- Nasser's regime. Some of the group's leading members were executed at that time.
El-Hodeibi was sentenced to six years in prison and forced to resign from his judicial post -- as the head of the Court of Cassation. When he was released in 1971, he tried to get his old job back. Although he took the state to court and won, the government abstained from executing the court order. El- Hodeibi then looked abroad, and like many of his peers, ended up working in Saudi Arabia until the mid-1980s.
Back in Egypt, El-Hodeibi became more involved in the Brotherhood's decision-making process. The group had just begun to evolve into the most powerful opposition force on the Egyptian political scene, via a multi- pronged strategy that included, among other things, involvement in parliamentary politics and seizing control of white-collar unions. El- Hodeibi was one of the key figures throwing weight behind that kind of approach. He was a strong advocate of the group's involvement in parliamentary elections, masterminding the political alliances that won the group tens of parliamentary seats, including, most prominently, a 1984 coalition with the Wafd Party, and as part of a 1987 Islamic Alliance with the Socialist Labour and the Liberal parties. El-Hodeibi was spokesperson of the Islamic Alliance bloc in the Assembly.
The pragmatism El-Hodeibi lent to the running of the group's affairs -- despite his solid old guard credentials -- have led some to accuse him of having always had his eyes on the group's top post. That pragmatism was perhaps best in evidence in El-Hodeibi's perception of the state-Brotherhood relationship, a topic with which his weekly column in the now frozen Al- Shaab newspaper, mouthpiece of the frozen Labour Party, dealt at length. El-Hodeibi completely ruled out the idea of a total confrontation with the state; he was keen not to invoke the state's anger while continuing to call for political reform and democratisation in his writings and political statements.
When Mustafa Mashhour was named the Brotherhood's fifth supreme guide, El-Hodeibi -- who had been the group's deputy supreme guide since 1986 under former supreme guide Hamed Abul-Nasr -- also became the group's spokesperson. Here, he cultivated contacts with different media outlets, and painted a picture of the group as being conciliatory with the state. He always coupled his criticism of the government's policies with assurances that the group was not posing as an alternative to the existing regime. "We are not conspiring against the state. All we want is to be able to make use of the margin of democracy in Egypt," El- Hodeibi was repeatedly quoted as saying. He has also been in favour of turning the group into a political party, an idea that, even if possible, has been met with fierce resistance from some of the group's old guard.
In November 2002, following Mashhour's death, El-Hodeibi was chosen to lead the group. His short tenure was not dramatic, mainly characterised by routine crackdowns followed by periods of relative calm. The Brotherhood continued to be the main actor of political dissent; El-Hodeibi made sure the group's views were heard, no matter what the political event. Many observers would agree that the man's most important legacy was leaving the Brotherhood a more viable political force.
Two sons survive him.
Omayma Abdel-Latif
