Caribbean Schevardnadze?
Armed opposition forces take control of Haiti's fourth largest city, Gonaives, casting a long shadow of doubt on the nascent Haitian democratic experiment, writes Gamal Nkrumah
There is no more serious act for a government than a declaration of war, especially one against a segment of its own population -- albeit a rebellious one. In Haiti's case, the war waged by the state is conducted by a police force and not by a regular army. Haiti has no army, it was disbanded in 1995 under the watchful eye of Uncle Sam. Six months ago armed groups, including some former regular troops, began preparing for war in the mountainous island. When the country's trigger-happy police force attacked the armed opposition groups an armed insurrection erupted in the Caribbean country, whose rugged terrain is ideal for guerrilla warfare.
Haiti, the Land of Mountains, has a long history of violence and insurrection beginning in 1801 with Toussaint Louverture's struggle for independence from France. Indeed, the country became the first colony to gain independence from a European power.
But internal strife and poverty soon ensued and today the country is the poorest and least developed in the Western Hemisphere.
As French influence waned, the US emerged as the major foreign power in Haiti. But, the relationship between Haiti's rulers and their political masters in Washington was always a tricky one. The US turned a blind eye to human rights violations under the notorious dictator Francois Duvalier, better known as "Papa Doc", because of Haiti's geographical proximity to communist Cuba. When Papa Doc died in 1971 his son, Jean-Claude, or "Baby Doc", usurped power. But in 1986, Baby Doc fled Haiti and was replaced by Lieutenant General Henri Namphy. A string of military strongmen ruled the country and socio-economic conditions plummeted to an all-time low. The Americans stepped in and hurriedly installed Jean-Bertrand Aristide as president and were determined to see Western-style multi-party democracy instituted in Haiti. It was decided that Aristide was perfectly qualified to front the experiment.
Aristide first assumed the office of the presidency in Haiti's first democratic election in 1990. A former Roman Catholic priest, Aristide was ousted from office months later by the Haitian army. Aristide was restored to power after the US invasion of Haiti in 1994 and has been indebted to the US ever since. Though there are telling signs that Washington might soon ditch its former lackey as Aristide may have outgrown his usefulness to the US, and the two have clashed often but have always publicly made up.
Aristide was re-elected president for a second non-consecutive term in November 2000. The opposition cried foul play and charged Aristide's government with conducting a fraudulent election. Former army officers took the opportunity to create trouble for Aristide and together with other discontented segments of society, and working in conjunction with civilian opposition forces, they instigated an insurrection. In December 2001, insurrectionists captured the National Palace in the capital, Port- au-Prince. Again Aristide's authority was imposed with America's blessing.
Aristide is suspected of trying to bludgeon his rivals into submission or political irrelevance. Instead, his heavy-handed strategy has backfired. International donors have blocked millions of dollars in aid and Haitian's plight could worsen fast without more foreign aid and rescheduled debts. And, in anticipation of waves of Haitian refugees fleeing political violence, the US State Department plans to set up a refugee camp for Haitians, with up to 50,000 beds, in Guantanamo Bay.
The Gonaives insurrectionists have decided that Haitian democracy is a political dead end. Aristide is desperately trying to fend them off. Aristide, ruling by decree under emergency laws, has given free rein to police and pro-government thugs to do battle with armed opposition forces and has unleashed loyal militias on his political opponents in a deadly game of political survival. Gross attrocities are being committed by both sides.
Last week political violence climaxed in Haiti with insurrectionists seizing cities and calling for the country's president to step down. Some good may yet come out of this bad time for Haiti. It is hard for Aristide to preside over such a chaotic situation. Last Friday, the Gonaives Resistance Front forces seized control of Gonaives. Armed opposition groups also briefly took Saint Marc, 100kms north of Port-au- Prince. Government forces soon regained control of Saint Marc after savage street fighting.
Haiti's armed opposition groups believe that the Haitian political establishment has degenerated into a powerless institution filled with self-important no-bodies. Aristide insists on serving out the presidential term that ends on 2006. The Haitian opposition refuses to participate in new elections unless Aristide resigns.
Aristide, a local boy made good, is widely regarded as an American puppet. The Caribbean public opinion infers that Aristide is getting too big for his boots. Today, it appears, that the Americans are inclined to listen more attentively to the Caribbean reasoning.
The mediation effort is led by CARICOM, the 15-member Caribbean Community -- a regional grouping of small island-nations is strongly backed by Washington. CARICOM has given Aristide until March to comply with its recommendations. Haiti, which joined CARICOM in July 2002, fully accepts the regional grouping's mediate a settlement. CARICOM leaders met Aristide in the Jamaican capital Kingston last week in a summit aimed at defusing the Haitian crisis. Under the CARICOM-mediated peace agreement, Aristide conceded to the release of political prisoners. He also promised to disarm pro-government gangs. CARICOM has threatened to impose sanctions on Haiti if Aristide does not comply.
But the future looks bleak. Aristide rescinded on the CARICOM agreement in ordering restrictions on street protests, prompting his opponents to turn to street violence. Even so, it should be remembered that Aristide's failings pale into insignificance in comparison with the Duvalliers's attrocities. Still, he rules the Caribbean island in a corrupt and increasingly authoritarian way. Whether he weathers this latest political storm and completes his term in office or succumbs to internal and external pressures and resigns like Georgia's former President Edward Shevardnadze, remains to be seen. But Aristide is in the same precarious boat.
