Chasing the summit

The fate of the Arab League summit remains undetermined

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Amr Moussa

Arab League Secretary-General Amr Moussa has made an offer to all Iraqi political factions to come to the Cairo headquarters of the Arab League for a political dialogue to reflect on the future of their country and consider possible ways to get Iraq out of its current dark moment.

Moussa's initiative came late last week, as military confrontation between US occupation forces and Iraqi resistance groups, particularly the southern Shia, were reaching unprecedented levels of escalation.

"If the current developments and bloodshed in Iraq prevent Iraqis from meeting and talking to each other, then the Arab League is keeping its gates, heart and mind wide open for all Iraqis to come and talk here," Moussa said in a press briefing on Thursday. "We are following the disturbing developments in Iraq and we firmly call for an end to the bloodletting and the attacks on civilians ... The occupation authority has to honour its obligations in accordance with international law, and particularly the Fourth Geneva Convention ... The current situation is unacceptable," he added.

The remarks and invitation made by the secretary-general have not been received with much enthusiasm or support, neither from Arab capitals nor from the Iraqi political factions themselves. No reaction was officially made. Meanwhile, Iraqi political forces continue to complain about the indifferent Arab reaction to their crisis. Indeed, very few Arab capitals have been making direct remarks about upheavals in Iraq.

Nonetheless, remarks made in Amman, Sana'a, Manama and Riyadh during the past few days seemed to break what has otherwise been overall an Arab silence. A spokeswoman for the Jordanian government, Yemeni foreign minister and communiqués issued by the cabinets of Bahrain and Saudi Arabia expressed "concern over the current regrettable developments in Iraq" and called for "a peaceful end" to the current confrontation. The approach of the reactions coming from these Arab capitals was almost unified, and so was the language of their statements.

Meanwhile, Moussa's intervention notwithstanding, the Arab League, that issued a strong statement of condemnation a few weeks ago in the wake of the terrorist attacks in Spain, has failed to issue a similar statement in relation to the situation in Iraq.

"It is true that the Arab reaction to developments in Iraq has largely been very weak in view of the current scope of bloody confrontation, and also in view of the serious political implications involved, since the on-going demonstration of anger is only an indication of what lies ahead for Iraq," commented one Arab diplomatic source. However, he added, that the complicated relations of most -- if not all -- Arab countries with Washington makes it "almost impossible for Arab countries to take a strong stand against US policy in Iraq".

According to this and other sources there is hardly any Arab country that is in a position now to oppose the US, either due to economic and security dependence or due to fear of potential American economic -- and maybe even military -- retaliation. "You have to realise that in his election year the US president is not going to show much tolerance towards opposition from a region that is already causing him quite a headache," a senior Arab ambassador said.

Arab officials might be explaining to their American interlocutors their concerns behind closed doors, but very few have come out in the open with a clear position regarding the current situation in Iraq. According to Ali Garoush, head of the Arab Affairs Department in the Arab League, the Arab organisation cannot itself take a stand away from the collective Arab response to the situation.

"The situation in Iraq is very dangerous and alarming; there is no doubt about that. However, the Arab League is not in a position to take a stance that is categorically different from that of the Arab capitals," Garoush said. Those who want to blame the league, he added, have to compare the stance voiced by the secretariat of the Arab organisation to those echoed across the Arab world. "We are trying hard but people need to realise that for the Arab League to take action it has to be supported by the will of the Arab capitals as represented in resolutions adopted by the Arab foreign ministers or the Arab summit," he explained.

He added that this is one very important reason that prompts Arab League Secretary- General Moussa to intensify efforts to secure the prompt convocation of the Arab summit.

Moussa himself admits that he has no free hand to move independently on the Iraqi issue. This said, the secretary-general seems committed to work towards developing a collective Arab response to Iraq. "A collective Arab stance will definitely be formulated and made clear to all. This is what we are working on now. Iraq is a key issue on the agenda of inter-Arab talks," he told reporters this week.

It is, however, one thing for the secretary- general of the league to express such views and quite another for Arab capitals to push for legitimate rights to be regained.

This week, the semi-official Kuwaiti newspaper Al-Anbaa quoted Kuwaiti Prime Minister Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmed Al- Sabah as expressing concern over the negative consequences of a transfer of power from the occupation forces to Iraq under current circumstances. According to the report, the Kuwaiti prime minister advised caution in any handover of power. The office of the Kuwaiti prime minister later described as inaccurate the quotes printed by Al-Anbaa.

But the problem with Iraq is not just about the uimpressive Arab reaction as some diplomatic quarters suggest. They argue that it is also an Iraqi problem. "Iraqis also have to decide what they want to do and what they can and cannot do," a Kuwaiti diplomat said. This argument is not entirely contested by Iraqis. In the words of one Iraqi politician, "Iraqis have yet to agree on a plan of action for the future. The trouble is that there are the Iraqis and there is the occupation-affiliated Interim Governing Council. We do not see eye to eye."

The current wave of violence, he argued, might, however, help in narrowing the gap. "I think the horrible and inhumane way in which the Americans have dealt with Falluja will force many of the members of the Interim Governing Council to reconsider their positions and I hope that we will come out of the current crisis closer than before."

Fostering this sense of closeness among the Iraqi people, Garoush said, is a key issue on the agenda of the Arab League. But the Arab League cannot achieve this objective via remote administration of the crisis. "We have to have a role next to the UN," Garoush said.

"The Arab League is in constant touch with many factions of the Iraqi people, but we have to do more. We need to be in touch even with those Iraqi groups who see no role for the Arab League -- or Arab countries for that matter -- in helping shape the future of Iraq," Garoush admitted. For this to happen, he agrees the Arab League has to have some kind of permanent presence in Iraq. This cannot be arranged without a resolution from the 22 Arab countries.

Garoush is convinced that Arab countries can take tangible action to contain the violence and political havoc in Iraq without really upsetting the US. "The US is facing serious problems now in Iraq and it is only logical to expect Washington to be pleased [to receive] any constructive ideas that could contain the situation in Iraq," he said.

For example, Yemen, according to statements made by its foreign minister on Tuesday, is proposing the establishment of a joint international-Arab peace-keeping force to be sent to Iraq. Jordan, according to a government spokesman, is proposing closer and more institutionalised coordination between the Arab countries and both the US and the UN.

Arab League sources say that Moussa is consulting on such ideas with Arab capitals. He is also discussing all potential moves with UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan and with Annan's Special Representative to Iraq Lakhdar Labrahimi.