Political manoeuvrings

In three exclusive interviews with Solana, Zibari and Asefi, Dina Ezzat finds out that there is much work to be done to achieve a semblance of regional stability

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Hamid Reza Asefi

Hamid Reza Asefi, the official spokesman of the Iranian Foreign Ministry is perhaps one of the most quoted Iranian officials in the Islamic Republic. This is not so much a result of his job title per se, but it certainly has to do with Iran's conduction of its foreign policy that many regional and world capitals find somewhat irritating.

And for the past few years -- and especially since the attacks of 11 September 2001 -- Iran has been in the news very often. Tehran's nuclear programme was one topic that attracted the media, and continues to do so, as was its alleged association with Al-Qaeda operatives, its record of human and political rights and its political and security relations with some neighbouring countries.

For Asefi, however, Iran's foreign policy is not meant to annoy or disturb anyone. He says that his country is not at all picking up fights. Rather the opposite, he says, Iran has excellent foreign relations and is keen to develop and expand its friendships and alliances but it will have to do so within the clear and strict framework of "true independence... we are not followers."

The Foreign Ministry spokesman is particularly keen to stress that while his country does not want to get into confrontations with Washington, it is not at all prepared to bow before American might.

The United States' accusations that Tehran is developing an illicit military nuclear programme, violating human rights -- especially of women and minorities --, encouraging terrorism that affects America and some of its best allies in the Middle East and interfering into Iraqi affairs are simply dismissed by Asefi as "sheer American propaganda that we are used to. We have been dealing with this propaganda and I think that as the race of the US elections gains speed we will hear some more of this," he said.

The breaking of ties between Washington and Tehran about a quarter of a century ago has often led to Washington's support of the opponents of the Iranian government, including some members of the Mujahedin Khalq militant organisation that used to receive considerable support from Iraq.

Actually, it was only on Monday that the US State Department announced that the US issued the "protected persons status". The State Department said that by doing so it gave the concerned militants rights under the Geneva Convention.

Moreover, earlier this month, US Republican Senators Rick Santorum and John Cornyn introduced the Iran Freedom and Support Act of 2004. The proposed bill authorises the US president to provide $10 million to foreign and domestic pro- democracy groups, such as radio and television networks, in order to promote regime change in Iran.

Indeed, many American officials, speaking with the American press, have suggested that enforcing regime change in Iran or at least attacking Iranian nuclear facilities would be a top foreign and security policy priority for US President George W Bush if he is re-elected in November. Bush has already labelled Iran as a part of the axis of evil along with the toppled Iraqi regime of Saddam Hussein and North Korea.

"This is the bottom line," said Asefi. He added that Iran would never be an easy target for American military plans. Iran, he affirmed, will not change any of its foreign policy guidelines to please this or any other American administration. "We are an independent and sovereign state and we operate as such," he said.

Asefi also downplays the significance of some US accusations of Tehran's involvement in facilitating the movement of Al- Qaeda members who carried out the 11 September attacks. He argues that reports coming out of Washington in this regard have been both confused and contradictory. "But it could have well been the case that somebody passed through Iran at one point without the knowledge of the Iranian government. Is this something to be taken against us? [After all] the terrorists behind the 11 September attacks lived in the US and passed through US airport security," he said.

Asefi recognises that the accusations made by some Iraqi officials against Tehran for allegedly meddling with Iraqi internal affairs are not helping overall Iran-US relations. But he is convinced that those statements are essentially a result of the US' influence over some members of the new Iraqi government.

"They say we interfere and we ask them to give us an evidence of any interference. They say we use our contacts with the Shia population in Iraq, and we say yes we do. We did so in Najaf to end confrontations, and we will use them again to help stabilise the situation if we are asked to do so. Stability is in the interest of all," Asefi said.

But what about Tehran's relationship with the charismatic young Shia cleric Moqtada Al-Sadr who has been giving the Americans and the interim Iraqi government a considerable headache? "Well, Al-Sadr is a reality," Asefi said. He added that in its contact with Al-Sadr, Tehran has been calling for moderation and rationalism just as it has done with other "Shia and even Sunni groups".

The official spokesman of the Iranian foreign minister called on Iraqis to end their relations with Iran during Saddam Hussein's rule. He said that Iraqis should remember that Iranians also suffered from the tyranny and irrationality of Saddam Hussein.

Actually, Asefi said that his country is currently busy pursuing charges against Saddam Hussein for using chemical weapons against Iranians during the 1980-1988 Iraq-Iran War. "We should not forget the suffering of the Iraqi people... But all neighbours of Iraq also suffered," he said.

Today, Asefi said, Iran is willing to have the best of relations with the Iraqi government, provided that this is done independent of the influence of the foreign policy interests of the US. There is so much that Iraq and Iran could work on especially in relation to combating terrorism and the increase in the plantation and trade of narcotics, he added.

"We can also work together to find answers to security questions... We want to find a way to establish friendly and durable relationships," Asefi said. He argued that Tehran's hosting of an upcoming meeting for the ministers of interior of Iraq, Iran, Turkey, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Jordan and Egypt could be a good step in this direction.

Asefi, however, believes that it would be a mistake to confine Iranian-Iraqi relations to cooperation on matters of security, important as that is. "Iran is also very keen to help with the reconstruction efforts in Iraq. As a matter of fact we are planning to host a meeting on reconstruction in Iraq in the coming few weeks."

Meanwhile, Asefi called for members of the Iraqi government to exercise "prudence" when they make statements about Iran because "imprudent accusations" will far from help relations between the two neighbouring states.

The official spokesman of the Iranian Foreign Ministry hopes that a fair and freely elected Iraqi government comes in place. "We believe that the Iraqis are clever enough to find their way... And I cannot say that they are not aware that it is in their interest to have good relations with Iran."

But is Iran concerned that a strongly pro-American government in Iraq could by default work against Tehran, and even facilitate a much-talked about potential attack against Iran's nuclear facilities? This is a question that Asefi answers in the same way of most other Iranian officials who are sure to say that Iran will not at all tolerate any attempt to tamper with its interests. Iran, Asefi says, is entitled to have its nuclear programme and has been working in good faith with the IAEA on that.

The official spokesman said that it is very presumptuous of the US and "anybody else" to be making a fuss about the Iranian nuclear facilities when Israel possesses such a huge nuclear arsenal.

But what does Asefi make of the recent and very controversial visit of International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Director Mohamed El-Baradei to Israel? And does he agree with the critics who say that while El-Baradei is giving Iran a very hard time, he has failed to show enough firmness while in Israel?

"I think that El-Baradei's visit to Israel could be evaluated in two ways: as positive and not positive," Asefi replied. "The Israeli government attempted to force [El-Baradei] to make certain [aggressive] statements against Iran. He did not and he acted rather rationally on that."

It was El-Baradei's approach towards Israel's nuclear programme that Asefi believes was weak. El-Baradei, Asefi said, should have at least adopted a firmer stance in the statements he made regarding the Israeli nuclear facilities and the understanding he showed towards Israel's nuclear policies.

Asefi says that all the countries of the Middle East should be firm about the bias that favours Israel and enables it to have easy access to all sorts of uninspected weapons of mass destruction.

Is this something that Iranian officials brought up with their Egyptian counterparts during their visit to Cairo last week to take part in the Iraq's Neighbours Conference? And when will Egypt and Iran resume their long-severed diplomatic ties? Asefi said that Iran is working with all concerned countries on the issue of Middle East stability through its many channels. As for relations with Egypt he offers the classic answer: "I am not sure about the timing," but, he says, Cairo and Tehran are talking, and that in itself is significant.