Stalled Palestinian talks

Egypt plays down political rifts as the reason for postponing this week's intra-Palestinian talks. Khaled Amayreh in the West Bank and Rasha Saad in Cairo report

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Israeli soldiers beat down a Palestinian youth during a peaceful march against the construction of Israel's apartheid wall

The suspension by Egypt of the intra- Palestinian dialogue in Cairo this week had more to do with Israel's refusal to give guarantees that its planned withdrawal from Gaza would be "strategic, genuine and final" than with any serious intra- Palestinian divisions.

This is the view of virtually all Palestinian resistance and political factions which have been trying to reach a united national stance on the governance of Gaza following a prospective Israeli army withdrawal from the occupied Strip.

However, Egyptian diplomatic sources ruled out both reasons, arguing that the delay in the talks is due to logistical rather than political reasons. "We are trying to arrange and coordinate a time schedule with all the factions, and this process just takes time," said an Egyptian diplomatic source speaking on condition of anonymity.

According to the source, the rifts inside Fatah are not affecting the factions' dialogue in Cairo, because "it is a struggle between individuals, and not among the movement's institutions."

The source also explained that Cairo had not called for guarantees from Israel, but rather presented the Israeli side with what it considers to be basic demands if the pull-out is to form a positive step towards peace.

These demands include: a total and complete withdrawal from the Gaza Strip; considering the pull-out as part of the roadmap; granting the Palestinians full sovereignty over the Gaza airport and harbour; halting all incursions and attacks in Gaza; offering free flow of goods and services with the West Bank; and undertaking not to reoccupy Gaza following the pull-out.

"The Israelis still did not give us their final view on these demands," the source said. "We have only heard that they are insisting on maintaining control over the airport and harbour."

Egypt is expected to bring up these demands when Egyptian Foreign Minister Ahmed Abul- Gheit and the Chief of General Intelligence Omar Suleiman visit Tel Aviv in the first or second week of October.

This week, the head of Hamas politburo Khaled Mashaal discussed with Egyptian officials a set of ideas and proposals pertaining to the post-occupation arrangements in Gaza.

According to Hamas sources, Mashaal assured Egypt that Hamas would make utmost efforts to maintain and cement Palestinian unity. Moreover, he also reportedly assured the Egyptians that Hamas wouldn't carry out attacks on Israel from within Gaza except in self-defence.

Earlier, Mashaal said in an interview that the evolution of the situation in Gaza after the proposed Israeli withdrawal would depend almost entirely on how Israel behaved.

"Why are we busying ourselves with these questions about what we will do and won't do?" asked Mashaal. "The occupation is still continuing in Gaza and we have no guarantees that the withdrawal will be real and complete. In fact, we don't have any guarantees that the withdrawal will actually take place."

Such reservations and suspicions are by no means confined to Hamas. Indeed, they more or less characterise the declared stance of virtually all Palestinian political factions, as well as of the Palestinian Authority.

According to Samir Mashaarawi, one of Fatah's main leaders in the Gaza Strip, the success of Egyptian efforts to ensure that stability and security prevail in Gaza following the Israeli withdrawal depends first and foremost on Israel, not the Palestinians.

"If the Israeli withdrawal from Gaza brings freedom to our people, then everything will be fine and the Palestinians will uphold and honour their commitments," Mashaarawi told Al-Ahram Weekly. "But if Israel decides to turn Gaza into a big prison, then the problems will continue and Israel will be responsible for this."

However, many Palestinians believe that the chances of Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon responding positively to the Egyptian demands are very slim.

While Cairo shares the same view, it remains focused on the positive outcome of the pull-out, which is Gaza's liberation from occupation.

According to one high-level Egyptian diplomat, it will not come as a surprise to Cairo should Sharon withdraw unilaterally from Gaza, as "he is the last person to advance Palestinian interests." Sharon, the diplomat added, has declared many times that he is withdrawing from Gaza unilaterally because his main aim is to advance Israel's interests by getting rid of Gaza, which has always been a security burden.

"Egypt is not particularly concerned about Sharon's intentions," explained the diplomat. "What we see here is a chance for the Palestinians in Gaza to enjoy freedom, and it is our role to help them prepare the ground in Gaza for that freedom, and put it in the framework of a comprehensive peace settlement."

Israeli commentators have ruled out the possibility of Sharon agreeing to give Egypt any promise to refrain from carrying out army operations in Gaza after the planned withdrawal. Likewise, the Sharon government is unlikely to allow Gazans unrestricted freedom to travel either to Egypt through the Rafah border crossing, or, indeed, to the West Bank, for which travellers would have to pass through Israeli territory.

Israeli leaders have repeatedly said that their occupation forces would retain control of the Rafah crossing, now Gaza's only gateway to the outside world. Gaza's airport is currently closed after being destroyed by Israeli forces.

Sharon realises that scenes of jubilant Gazans dancing in the streets would not go down well with Israeli public opinion, especially the settlers and their supporters, who would use this as further ammunition to vilify Sharon and possibly bring down his government.

But, Israel's refusal to make the withdrawal irreversible and complete (as was done, for example, when Indonesia withdrew from East Timor) is likely to radicalise the Palestinian factions and make the Egyptian task of mediating a mutually-agreed ceasefire even harder.

Israel insists that it is not party to any Egyptian-mediated ceasefire either with the Palestinian Authority or, indeed, with the Palestinian factions, such as Hamas and the Islamic Jihad.

The Israeli army has destroyed much of the basic infrastructure of Gaza, including roads, farms and public buildings, as well as many thousands of homes, especially in southern Gaza where the city of Rafah, for example, has been reduced to a virtual wasteland.

One reason for holding on to Gaza may be Israel's concern that unrestricted access by foreigners to Gaza would incite international public opinion against the Jewish state, as the world would discover the extent of Israeli crimes. This, in turn, could lead the Palestinians to ask the international courts to judge Israeli political and military leaders, such as Sharon, his Defence Minister Shaul Mofaz and his Chief of Staff Moshe Yaalon, as international war criminals.