Al-Ahram: A Diwan of contemporary life (576)

Mr Fix-it

So adept was Prime Minister Ali Maher at solving the problems of state that he became best known for his trouble shooting abilities. His finest moment was undoubtedly in 1936 when the government of Tawfiq Nassim collapsed and Maher was called on to pick up the pieces. Professor Yunan Labib Rizk describes the "man of the hour"

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Maarouf Al-Risafi

National consciousness often develops immutable images of public figures. Most frequently these images, however simplified, are grounded in the actual practices or behaviour of the figures involved. Thus, we have King Fouad the autocrat, his son Farouk the playboy, Mustafa El-Nahhas the kind- hearted patriot and, in sharp contrast, Ismail Sidqi the despot. Alongside these in our pre-revolutionary mental album is "the man of the hour", the image that became associated with Ali Maher whom all could depend on to steer the ship of the nation out of turbulent seas.

It was Ali Maher who came to the rescue towards the end of King Fouad's rule when, in 1936, the Tawfiq Nassim government collapsed and the Wafd Party refused to share power in a coalition government. This incident will be the subject of this episode of the Chronicle; however others would follow. At the outbreak of WWII in 1939, Egypt came under strong pressure from Britain to declare war on the Axis Powers. Thanks to Ali Maher, Egypt managed to resist these pressures and remain neutral throughout most of the war. Ironically, when Egypt did enter the war on the side of the Allies in 1945, Ali Maher's brother, Ahmed Maher, who was prime minister at the time, paid for this decision with his life. Ali Maher came to the rescue for a third time in the wake of the Cairo fire of 26 January 1952, when King Farouk appealed to him to form a government to take over from the Wafdist government that had just collapsed.

It is odd that this crisis-solver whom the palace had relied on for so long should also be sought out by the leaders of the 1952 Revolution. Out of all the pre-revolutionary politicians, Ali Maher was chosen to head the first post-revolutionary government, in which capacity he was given the difficult task of ousting King Farouk. The picture of Ali Maher next to Mohamed Naguib on the royal yacht, Mahrousa, bidding farewell to King Farouk who was bound for exile, is one that will remain permanently fixed in the Egyptian collective memory. Eventually, of course, the revolutionary leaders got rid of Maher, who fell out with them over the Agricultural Land Reform Law. But by then, he had already served his purpose, which was to steer Egypt into a new era.

What were the circumstances that contributed to shaping this public figure and his high demand political problem- solving abilities?

Undoubtedly it helped to have been born into one of Egypt's established ruling families. His father, Mohamed Maher, was deputy minister of war in 1894 at the time of the famous clash between British Consul-General Lord Cromer and the young Khedive Abbas Helmi II over the organisation and training of the Egyptian army. More important than his father was his uncle, Abdel-Rahman Fahmi, who stood in for Saad Zaghlul when the nationalist leader was in exile or involved in negotiations abroad. Fahmi was the secretary- general of the Wafd Party founded by Zaghlul, and his activities in this capacity landed him in prison for four years (1920-1924). Another noted politician in Ali Maher's family was his younger brother, Ahmed Maher who, as we mentioned above, served as prime minister during WWII. An ardent advocate of democratic liberties, Ahmed Maher broke away from the Wafd in 1938, which contributed to the subsequent decline of the massive populist party. We should also note that the younger Maher brother is the grandfather of the eminent diplomat of the same name. The latter Ahmed Maher, together with Nabil El-Arabi, headed the Egyptian delegation in the negotiations over Taba. He also took over as minister of foreign affairs for three years starting in 2001 when his predecessor Amr Moussa became secretary-general of the Arab League.

One cannot help but remark on how the names of certain Egyptian families have tended to recur in Egyptian cabinets across the political eras, from the first governments in the khedival period through the monarchy and even into the post- revolutionary era. One of the most famous was the family of Boutros Ghali Pasha who served as prime minister from 1908-1910 and whose three sons, Wassef, Marriet and Boutros, and a grandson, Youssef, served in various ministerial capacities. Another was the Maher family. Of course, wealthy families such as these could afford the type of expensive education that could put their children on course towards high- level political careers. More importantly, however, they were part of that complex network of social and economic relations that bound the Egyptian elite.

But while such a background helped, it was not sufficient to create a figure who carved for himself a reputation as the man of the hour. An astute politician, Ali Maher was never so intransigent in his beliefs or positions that he could not attune them to shifting political winds, and his animosities were never of an intensity that compelled him to burn his political bridges. In this he differed markedly from his brother, Ahmed, and his father Abdel-Rahman.

Even so, it was odd that he was appointed minister of education and minister of justice in the Ahmed Ziwar government (1925-1926) in spite of his history of nationalist political activism. He led the civil servants' strike in 1919 and took part in the negotiations between Zaghlul and Milner the following year. More significantly, given the pro-palace character of the Ziwar government, he had been an outspoken candidate of a constitution that limited the powers of the king and had been a member of the 30-man commission that drafted the constitution.

It was equally odd, given his earlier animosity to the Wafd, that this powerful political party would approve his premiership in 1936. Not only had Ali Maher served as vice president of the Ittihad Party that the palace had created to offset the Wafd, but he actively supported two openly anti- Wafdist governments: the "iron-grip" government of Mohamed Mahmoud in which he served as minister of finance, and the Ismail Sidqi government in which he served as minister of justice.

He also knew how to bide his time when he set his mind on a goal. Following the outbreak of WWII, he did not openly reject the British demand to declare war on the Axis Powers, but he deftly bought time in order to "spare Egypt the miseries of war", as he put it. Although his position eventually cost him his job, it set the tone for the governments that succeeded him. Indeed, when, on 4 February 1942, the British delivered an ultimatum to King Farouk and surrounded the palace, there was no way his successor, Mustafa El-Nahhas, could wriggle out of the corner into which Maher had painted him.

Returning to 1936, Maher was handed the task of setting things in order after the collapse of the Nassim government. A glance at the prevailing circumstances at the time is sufficient to understand how difficult this task was. Much of the last half of the previous year had been characterised by widespread student unrest in protest against the Nassim government's foot-dragging on its pledge to reinstate the 1923 Constitution. In addition, the leaders of nearly the full gamut of political parties had allied themselves against the government. In spite of the enormous differences and antipathies that ordinarily separated them, Mustafa El-Nahhas, Mohamed Mahmoud, Ismail Sidqi, Abdel-Fattah Yehya, Mohamed Helmi Eissa, Hafez Afifi, Hamed El-Basil and Hafez Ramadan formed a "National Front". Alarmed by the prospect of civil disturbances that would target the British in Egypt before anyone else, London withdrew its support from the Nassim government, retracted its insistence on the creation of an entirely new constitution and declared its support for the restoration of the 1923 Constitution. In addition, London also agreed to resume negotiations over an Anglo- Egyptian treaty. The negotiations had broken off six years earlier and now the British were looking for a negotiating partner that was representative of the Egyptian people, which the Nassim government was not, as the National Front had made more than apparent. It was thus that, after a British nudge to the king, Tawfiq Nassim tendered his resignation on 22 January 1936.

Al-Ahram took the occasion to sum up the pros and cons of the "Nassim government in its bygone days and in the eyes of history", as an editorial headline read. This government, which lasted just over 14 months, it wrote, accomplished much for which it should be thanked. "For example, His Excellency the Prime Minister, noted for his sincerity and integrity, helped to prepare the nation for the resumption of the constitutional life to which it aspires, kept the administration on a smooth and even keel and enabled the country to enjoy several months, especially at the beginning of his ministry, of unimpaired civil liberties and domestic tranquillity." On the negative side, "it was sluggish in action, overly secretive, its prime minister rarely available to the press, appointed too many British officials and the police was needlessly brutal in suppressing some demonstrations."

In contrast to this detached analysis, we have the poignant account of the drama of the departure of the Nassim government. Scene one was set "In the home of Nassim Pasha", under which headline Al-Ahram relates, "Morning broke today to find His Excellency Mohamed Tawfiq Nassim determined to tender his resignation and to relinquish the helm of the nation as it proceeds towards a new threshold. His Excellency realised that the interest of the public welfare determined that he relinquish rule in favour of a government that can negotiate on behalf of the nation over the conclusion of a treaty with Great Britain."

In scene two, "In the Prime Minister's office", "Hardly had His Excellency appeared at 10.15am than his cabinet members began to arrive to his office. In the cabinet meeting that was held at 11.00 the entire time was devoted to discussion of the political situation. After explaining the intricacies and demands of this situation, Nassim Pasha concluded that the government must resign in the interest of the public welfare."

In the final scene we follow the ministers as each proceeded to his office, gathered his personal papers and bid farewell to his staff. Nassim, meanwhile, made his way to Abdine Palace where he officially tendered his government's resignation. It was not until 8.00pm that he finally returned home "and went directly upstairs to his bedroom", as Al- Ahram relates. It is doubtful, however, that he slept on a night which would have remained etched into his memory until his death in 1944.

According to the file on Ali Maher in the British Foreign Office archives, King Fouad had appointed him head of the royal cabinet. "[Maher's] capacity for intrigue was mainly the reason for this appointment at a time when the king wished to get rid of Nassim." This leads us to believe that events that followed Nassim's resignation were engineered by Maher.

When Nassim resigned, negotiations over the government that would succeed him were still in progress, and would continue for another nine days. On the day of Nassim's resignation, the king summoned the members of the United Front. After a private, 10-minute meeting with El-Nahhas, the king met with all the assembled front leaders and appealed to them for patience. "The situation is one that demands fortitude if we are to attain the greater end that we all aspire to, which is the advancement of the nation. I, as king, care not for political parties or other such groups; I care only for Egypt and all Egyptians are equal before me," said His Majesty. Eventually he got to the point, which was that he wanted to create a coalition government. "Before you arrived, I discussed this subject with His Excellency El-Nahhas Pasha and I believe we have come close to an understanding. His Excellency is 99 per cent in agreement with me, although he clings to one per cent reservation. In all events, it is my desire to form a coalition government and I sense that this is the desire of the entire nation. The time has come to place all our energies at the service of the nation."

British confidential archives reveal that the difference between Fouad and El-Nahhas was far greater than "one per cent". The Wafd Party chief had no desire at all to form a coalition government. The Wafd had long since resolved never to enter a coalition, having been severely burned in such an experience once before. It was also the Wafd's position that the national front should be the framework, not for the government, but for negotiations with the British and El-Nahhas had vowed that if his party were to win a parliamentary majority in the forthcoming elections, the negotiating delegation his government would form would be representative of all members of the national front.

It soon became clear that Ali Maher was the mastermind behind the coalition idea. It was he who tried to persuade the Wafd that the coalition he had in mind would be unlike the one in 1926-1927, which had consisted of only two parties. This one would be representative of all national forces, and thus be a truly "nationalist government", as he called it. Soon, too, the head of the royal cabinet would reveal "his capacity for intrigue". In an attempt to sow dissension within the ranks of the national front, he proposed that the Wafd decline the premiership but remain a central component of a government headed by a strong but neutral individual. The other parties might object to a Wafdist cabinet in charge of holding elections, he argued. El-Nahhas countered that, on the contrary, with the Wafd in charge the other parties would have nothing to worry about. "However, in order to allay any suspicion and to demonstrate his sincere desire to facilitate matters, he proposed creating a neutral cabinet for holding elections, after which a constitutionally elected cabinet would take its place. Then, one of the first acts of the new cabinet will be to appoint an official negotiating delegation that will include representatives of all parties."

To this Maher rejoined that the British were in a rush and could not be kept waiting for all the time it would take to form an interim government and hold elections. In that case, El- Nahhas responded, create a neutral government that would immediately petition for a royal decree to form an official negotiating delegation representative of all parties, on the condition that this delegation is headed by the Wafd and consists of a majority of Wafd members. Then, while that delegation was involved in negotiations, the neutral government would hold parliamentary elections, on the basis of the results of which a constitutional government would be formed.

Maher, on behalf of the palace, was determined to forge ahead with his plans with or without the Wafd's approval. It put the idea of a national front cabinet to the leaders of the other parties and received positive responses from Sidqi and Mohamed Mahmoud. The Wafd's response was to flex its grassroots muscle.

The demonstration began with a meeting of the Student Association's general executive committee in the Saadi Club. The result was a statement urging all members of the National Front to remain "united and in concord", and declaring that the committee would visit each member of the front and hold him responsible for destroying it if he objected to the Wafd's latest proposals.

The statement was not an idle threat. The committee members called first on Mohamed Mahmoud who told them that he had no intention of breaking away from the front. "I agree with everything His Majesty and my fellow front members agree to. Indeed, I agree with any solution that will lead to the conclusion of a treaty with the British as soon as possible," the Liberal Constitutionalist leader declared. Next on the list was Sidqi, who was asked outright whether he would accept an invitation from the king to form a government if the Wafd stuck by its rejection of a coalition government. Sidqi vowed that he would not, thereby retracting the agreement he made in principle to Ali Maher.

The flexing of the Wafd's popular muscle reached its peak on 27 January 1936. Al-Ahram devoted the entire front page of its following day's edition to the event, which it reported under the headline, "Student strike and demonstrations". In anticipation of these demonstrations, it reports, "The Cairo police commissioner took widespread military precautions throughout the capital, stationing his forces in the vicinity of schools in preparation for an emergency... In addition, troops took up positions on the bridges connecting Giza with Cairo."

Not to be deterred, the students from the Faculty of Letters rallied on the university campus, and they were soon joined by their peers from the faculties of agriculture, engineering, veterinary medicine and the applied arts. The movement then spread outside the university walls: to the School of Decorative Crafts in Boulaq, where students smashed chairs and set them on fire; and to schools in Shubra, Abbasiya, Sayeda Zeinab and Qasr Al-Aini. According to Al-Ahram, every secondary school was affected by the strike and many of these students managed to join their confederates on the university campus.

Nor were the demonstrations confined to Cairo. In Alexandria the students of the Science Institute went on strike, as did the students of the Agricultural College in Damanhur, where police sprayed protesters with fire hoses after having failed to disperse them amicably, and the students in Zaqaziq Secondary School, where students refused to attend classes.

In addition, the Wafd took advantage of the occasion to call out its "Blue Shirts", the paramilitary group it created to counter the "Green Shirts" created by Misr Al-Fatat (Young Egypt) Movement. Al-Ahram reports: "A large regiment of the Wafdist youth group, known as the Blue Shirts, assembled in files in front of the gates of Abdine Palace, sounded its customary salute and then called out the following cheers three times each in succession: 'Long live the king! Long live the United Front! Long live Nahhas Pasha! Long live the constitutional king! Down with the nationalist cabinet! Long live the Wafd, leader of the nation! Long live the front of solidarity! Long live Nahhas Pasha with the front!' The popular masses joined in with these cheers, which persisted until Ali Maher left the palace."

It was Hafez Afifi this time who stepped in with a compromise. He succeeded in persuading El-Nahhas that he could form a Wafdist cabinet on the condition that in the negotiating commission all the other party leaders would be included in the commission and have equal say to the Wafd Party members over negotiating decisions. El-Nahhas also agreed that the negotiating committee would be granted full authority over the conduct of the negotiations. This time, however, it was the other party leaders that rejected the compromise. Most of them had served as prime minister before and they felt that the suggestion that they would be accorded titles such as minister plenipotentiary or delegate extraordinaire was degrading.

Finally, after nine long days -- Al-Ahram called them "years" -- the National Front leaders agreed to form a neutral cabinet. They also agreed that Ali Maher should head the government "because of the impartiality he had demonstrated during the crisis". On 30 January, the king issued the decree forming the 45th cabinet in modern Egyptian history. Consisting of non- partisan members, its task was to hold the parliamentary elections that would give rise to a constitutional government, which everyone knew in advance would be Wafdist.

This was made abundantly clear in the speeches delivered by Wafd leaders to the audience of "notables, students, workers and representatives of the liberal professions" who gathered at the House of the Nation, as the home of the late nationalist leader and El-Nahhas' predecessor Saad Zaghlul was referred to. If El-Nahhas was relatively subtle about the implication of the royal decree, the same could not be said of Makram Ebeid who proclaimed "a precious victory for the Wafd Party". The party's secretary-general continued, "This is not because it has been lifted to power, but because it had been lifted out of power. Yet, it remained humble and obedient, determined to remain a servant to the nation and to serve the people with a dedication commensurate to the confidence the people have placed in it."

The tone of relief in Al-Ahram 's editorial following these events is evident. Appearing on 1 February 1936, it focussed on "The government's mission", which was to resume the management of the affairs of the nation which had been put on hold during the cabinet crisis, during which period "people became more and more anxious by the day". The new government would also be charged with laying the groundwork for the resumption of negotiations with the British, "which will entail reaching an understanding with the party leaders over the composition of the negotiating delegation, the official capacity and powers of its members, and the assistance that will be furnished to them". Simultaneously, it would be responsible for holding elections at their appointed time, "and it is expected that they will proceed smoothly and without incident". Finally, the new government would be expected to safeguard national unity and retain the confidence of the king. Al-Ahram concluded this important piece with a prayer for God's blessing on the Maher government, and it appears that heaven was ready to listen as long as Egypt's "man of the hour" was on hand.