True colours

What to do if the egg is laid by a foreign chicken? Fatemah Farag can't seem to find anyone who knows for sure

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The agonising question is whether the American administration is correct in saying that it's brutal occupation of Iraq, support of an equally, if not more brutal occupation of Palestine, and the blatant pressure of Arab regimes has heralded the beginning of democracy in the region. Have we been inspired by the devastation in Iraq? Or the daily death of Palestinians in the occupied territories? And accordingly, just what should our position be towards the political activist Ayman Nour?

Fahmi Howeidi in Al-Arabi on 27 March takes stock of some of the local reaction to American claims of "success". He points out, "the band [internal and external] that is cheering the [so-called] dawn of democracy is the very same that led the campaign to market the peace process. The only thing that has changed is that they removed the word 'peace' and put in 'democracy' or 'reform'. Aren't these the same people who gave us a headache talking about the spring of peace, the peace train and the end of the blood years?"

The point is that the peace rhetoric did not lead to peace but more violations of human rights and violence. And hence Howeidi argues, "humanity is a precedent and pre-requisite for democracy... A person must feel their humanity first before being called on to vote." And accordingly he suggests, "any regime that raises the slogan of reform and democratic transformation is required not only to stop violating human rights... but also must cleanse itself of violations already made." The message to many parties must be painfully clear. Otherwise, fears Howeidi, the "reform" some quarters are hailing is nothing more than a superficial paint job.

And so this week the press continues to grapple with what has become an all-consuming issue: the need for local reform as opposed to the anger at and opposition to American policy in the region. Concrete results on the road towards reform is the key to the debate, argues Osama El-Ghazali Harb in Al-Ahram on 26 March. "It has become imperative that the forces and movements of reform in the Arab world not waste their time and effort in a useless comparison between reform that stems from within or without. They should not waste their efforts resisting foreign 'intervention' at the expense of the effort needed [to reform] within."

Adel Hamouda in Sawt Al-Umma on 28 March complains that the government has made an unnecessary hero of Ayman Nour, head of the Al-Ghad Party. "I hope the mistake is not repeated and that Ayman Nour is not deprived of his stated intention to nominate himself for the presidency... Let him try out his real power and measure the reality of his popularity and then judge him after the announcement of the results."

Hence, the argument that seems to be surfacing is that the only way to counter foreign intervention is to foster serious reform at home. Moussa Salah in Al- Ghad on 23 March underlines the frustration many feel towards the establishment for branding opposition to the regime as alien. "Is everyone who works within the opposition parties and movements not a nationalist and dishonest?" asks an angry Salah. On the same note Abdel-Rahman El-Ghamrawi calls on the opposition not to be intimidated by the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP). "Parties must engage the public. These are official parties and they must not be manipulated by the emergency law." Basically, El-Ghamrawi says that there is an opportunity to achieve democracy, but only if the opposition takes on its responsibilities.

A necessary but difficult task says Gouda Abdel- Khaleq in Al-Ahali on 23 March. "We may debate the nature of reform required and the assurances required to achieve reform... but this [level of debate] will not achieve the hoped for democracy if the present condition of political death [of the street] remains." Abdel- Khaleq had asked his students at one of Cairo University's most prestigious faculties, Political Science and Economics, whether they had voting cards. None did. Further, none had been engaged by anyone in a discussion of constitutional reform.

Mohamed Abdeen in Rose El-Youssef (26 March --1 April) called on the president to slow down the momentum of reform because "we are not used to this freedom". He complained that there were those who are twisting the understanding of freedom to "defame Egypt and its regime and pull down all that has been built in past years." And in the same issue Elwani Mogheeb warns that elections do not always bring the best to the fore. The lack of a "consciousness of democratic culture" amongst the Egyptian people has a "negative" impact according to Mogheeb on their [the public's] ability to engage with democracy and free elections.

It is a comatose state of being that has resulted in what Suleiman Hakim in Al-Masri Al-Yom on 23 March described as the most demeaning question an Egyptian can be asked: "who could possibly be a candidate for president?" In a population verging on 75 million, Hakim is astounded that people should be at such a loss for alternatives. "Perhaps we need to import a president like we do for the coaches of football teams?" he quips bitterly. The question of alternatives is posed basically by the NDP and according to Hakim "they ignore their responsibility for the failure of the regime in over a quarter of a century to produce viable leadership."

His comments come within the same week that Gamal Mubarak announced that he will not be running in the upcoming presidential elections. At the same time the NDP is being vague as to whether President Hosni Mubarak will re-nominate himself and if not, who the party candidate will be. "Why are they delaying this decision?" asks Magdi Mehana in Al-Masri Al-Yom on 25 March. "Is the delay related to internal or external considerations? And is the current tension in Egyptian-American relations related to this matter?"

Good questions that remain without answers but in the meantime Suleiman Gouda in Al-Masri Al-Yom on 26 March says Gamal Mubarak has a more important role to play than that of president. The young politician is cut out to lead the reform movement in Egypt and, comparing him to luminaries such as Mohamed Abdu and Ali Abdel-Razeq, Gouda points out that it is a role more crucial and expansive than that of president.

In the meantime Hussein Abdel-Raqeq in Al-Ahali (23 March) refers to the continued violation of human rights in Sinai -- mass detention and torture of "suspects" in the Taba bombings. "The police state has not yet learned that prohibiting the right to strike, sit in and peacefully protest will result -- sooner or later -- in a spontaneous explosion which cannot be controlled... When this happens the state and its security bodies will be the sole ones responsible."

It is a message that might have been heeded this week when Cairo all but came to a halt due to security measures against the attempt of the Muslim Brotherhood to peacefully demonstrate their position on constitutional reform. It was, by the way, an event not covered by local news stations, a decision by the Television and Broadcasting Authority that brings into sharp relief the criticism made this week regarding the partiality of the official media. Mohamed Ragheb in Al-Wafd on 26 March summed it up when he said that the monopoly of the government media "makes it impossible to achieve justice".