What lies beneath
Terrorism drastically undermines the movement for democratic reform -- the lessons of the '90s are all too clear. Yet how to confront it?
Fatemah Farag sounds out democracy activists
Few would disagree that Egypt has been witnessing a political revitalisation process, signs of which can be seen in everything from judges demanding reform in Alexandria, to workers standing up for their rights in Qalyoubia. "And then," noted an activist who preferred anonymity, "operations like these [the Khan El-Khalili, Abdel-Moniem Riyad and Sayeda Aisha terror attacks] come along, and they abort the process by -- on the one hand -- giving the state a pretext to become more repressive, and -- on the other -- scaring people, transforming them from potential activists into a passive audience."
For the second time in just a few weeks, reform activists find themselves drawn into heated arguments over the carnage that has taken place on Cairo's streets. Aware of the potentially devastating effects of the attacks on the future of the reform movement, some have taken solace in conspiracy theories, suggesting that security bodies (or 'foreign hands') may be behind the attacks.
But as the police work to establish criminal culpability, the political ramifications of the attacks will not go away that easily. "The very legitimate questions regarding the perpetrators of these crimes aside, we [the political reform movement] must be aware that the real danger lies in the fact that terrorist operations counteract the development and growth of a new political movement," said Ahmed Seif-el-Islam, a leading member of the Kifaya (Enough) movement. Seif-el-Islam warned of "such operations becoming an Egyptian 9/11, providing fertile ground for the renewal and strengthening of the argument that puts security above reform."
Some argue that the latest attacks are integral to the developments currently taking place in the militant Islamist movement worldwide; others see them as a new phenomenon, separate from organised militant Islamism. Nearly all observers, however, fear we will probably see more. "The reasons that led to these operations on the regional level -- the situation in Palestine and Iraq -- and the local level -- poverty, oppression, etc -- remain constant. The door has now opened to a cycle of violence and similar suicide operations," said Magdi Mehana, a daily columnist with the independent El-Masry El-Youm.
Mehana's understanding of the violence reflects common orthodoxy within the reform movement: the attacks, like those that take place in Iraq and Palestine, are carried out by the victims of oppression, violence and poverty who have been pushed into the corner of complete marginalisation and despair. Egypt's estimated 17 per cent unemployment rate, 50 per cent poverty (under two dollars a day), and routine police torture, coupled with the high percentage of young people in the overall population, make for a potentially explosive mix.
But this analysis does not explain why young people might choose to blow themselves up instead of, for example, getting involved in a civil movement. "There is a prevalent cultural environment that promotes fundamentalist thought and reaction," argues Rahma Rifaat, a member of both Kifaya and the independent Center for Trade Union and Workers Services. "This is fertile intellectual ground for the generation of terrorists."
Part of the problem is that the political reform movement has not succeeded in adopting issues of primary concern to the young. The reform movement has a responsibility to "reach out to young people, and explain that change is possible through other means," says Seif-el- Islam. "To tell them that we are embracing their concerns, so why not come and try our way."
That attitude is lacking, he admits. "Look at the Tagammu Party. Who do they nominate for president? Khaled Mohieddin, who -- with all due respect -- is over 80. If they were serious about using the elections to connect with people, why not choose a woman, or a Copt, or someone young?" wonders Seif El-Islam.
Even more worrisome to some is the role being played by an increasingly oppressive culture of intolerance -- supported by both official and opposition media. "Everyone, from the Muslim Brotherhood to the government and the far left, has issued statements denouncing these acts of terrorism; but no one is willing to confront the ideas that result in these acts. There is a willingness among those who comprise the reform movement to co-exist with these ideas," laments Rifaat.
Seif-el-Islam and others, however, argue that the democratic reform movement must make a distinction between Islamists, who might argue for what they believe are oppressive practices -- such, for instance, as creating a climate of social pressure on women to take the veil -- and those who try to force their opinions on others through violent means -- by throwing acid at an unveiled woman, for instance. "If we lump them together, we push the moderates into the arms of the militants," said Seif-el- Islam.
Then there is the overriding concern of preserving unity of the reform movement (which includes secularists and Islamists), even if at the expense of its plurality. "The reform movement should adopt a clear and unified programme, and continue to pressure the government for more political and comprehensive reform," says Mehana.
Rifaat argues that by skirting the issue, choosing not to confront a general dynamic of oppressive ideas and culture, the reform movement is simply taking the easy way out. "On the day of the bombing, I got into a micro-bus, and the driver was complaining that because the government had let up on the Islamists, they were now wreaking havoc with the country, and tourism would now be adversely affected. Only a few minutes later, he put on a tape of an extremely fundamentalist nature. The point is that 'the Egyptian street' is now overwhelmed by this culture, and it is easier for political movements to ride the wave than stand their ground."
Seif-el-Islam agrees that tactical political manoeuvering has dwarfed debates regarding the components of democratic reform -- the exploration of different positions on freedom of expression, women etc. It's not a matter of complicity with fundamentalist though, he says, but "confusion regarding priorities, not to mention a lot of mistrust." According to Seif- el-Islam, "this is a very sensitive time in our political history, and it is imperative that we denounce violence and terrorism. We need to show how similar acts in the early '90s undermined the democratic movement that was beginning to build up at the time."
While these would certainly be valuable lessons, it already looks like the barricades have been --by an large -- set in place this time round: the government calls on the opposition to close national ranks in the name of national security; the reform movement argues that security solutions have proven their failure, and that the key to stability is political. Most, meanwhile, seem to ignore such appeals as are made by Rifaat, "The only real way to confront terrorism is to confront the ideas that spawn it."
Recommend
Comment
Printer-friendly
