That's enough
Kifaya did what no one ever dared to
"Enough of Mubarak."
"No to hereditary rule."
"Enough of Gamal [Mubarak]."
"Enough, we're at the end of our tether."
These are a few of the slogans that were chanted by hundreds of followers of the Egyptian Movement for Change, more popularly known as Kifaya (Enough), on the streets of Cairo and other governorates all year long. Its founders said Kifaya came into existence for a reason as simple as its name: Egypt, under President Hosni Mubarak, has reached a stage of severe political stagnation, economic ineptitude and social disintegration, and enough was enough.
At first, they were looked upon as a heroic lot who broke a decades-old taboo by publicly demanding that the president step down, and that his son Gamal not be his successor. By the end of the year, Kifaya had achieved something just as significant -- they had clearly become a model of dissent that others could follow.
Founded on 22 September 2004, Kifaya got to work in a hurry, staging the first ever anti- Mubarak demonstration in the president's 24 years in office. On 12 December 2004, outside the downtown Cairo Supreme Court, they famously rallied, paving the way for a series of demonstrations and events protesting against President Mubarak seeking another term in office. The participants included activists, politicians, intellectuals, journalists and students from across the political spectrum.
Before Kifaya's protests, opposition to the president, let alone demands that he step down, was unheard of; it was not uncommon for the government to detain anyone who dared write or say so.
As with the vast majority of demonstrations since 2000 (when, for the first time since the 1970s, public protests denouncing Israeli occupation took to the streets), Kifaya has acted as a catalyst for other opposition protesters who include workers, university professors, Copts and judges, and even the Muslim Brotherhood, adopting a confrontational attitude for the first time since the 1970s.
To many observers, Kifaya enabled the idea of demonstrating, speaking up and saying "no", even to the president. Prominent Al-Ahram columnist Salama Ahmed Salama told Al-Ahram Weekly the movement succeeded in "moving still waters", and that it "revived the nationalistic feeling of ordinary citizens" and helped others reject the status quo.
Indeed, several movements were born throughout the year: Youth for Change, Writers for Change, Journalists for Change, Workers for Change, Doctors for Change -- all calling for reform in their respective fields, as well as overall political and economic reform.
According to Abdel-Halim Qandil, the executive editor of the Nasserist Al-Arabi newspaper and spokesman for the Kifaya movement, using the word "enough" was a symbolic way of touching base with the general public. "Our movement targets ordinary Egyptians. We want them to put away their fears, and demand their political and economic rights."
Qandil said the movement has succeeded in changing the country's political environment, giving people, syndicates and organisations the option of speaking up, a form of "political disobedience".
Over the past year the government's response to Kifaya has varied. Occasionally, they are left to protest in peace, at other times arrested and attacked by riot police. The most infamous event was on 25 May, when thugs attacked a peaceful demonstration organised by Kifaya against the constitutional referendum that changed the way the president is elected, as anti-riot police and NDP officials did nothing but look on. Women were sexually molested and beaten.
Kifaya's attempts to hold a political rally in July were also hampered by the authorities. Hundreds of anti-riot policemen cordoned off the area, arresting a number of activists.
Although Kifaya managed to successfully break several taboos, it failed to achieve the objective behind its creation -- to prevent Mubarak's re- election. Still, Qandil argues, Kifaya's "no to extension, no to hereditary succession" is more relevant than ever. "Amending Article 76 of the constitution was tailored for Mubarak, and after him his son. The danger [of Gamal Mubarak succeeding to the presidency] is more real than ever."
Prior to the presidential elections, the movement declared its intention to call upon a group of prominent public figures to run against the president, but no name was forthcoming. Later, the movement's leaders argued that it was not their job to come up with alternatives; one Kifaya leader said, "the country is full of suitable would-be presidents".
Kifaya did not have an impact during the parliamentary elections, nor did they have anyone running, describing themselves as a movement not a political party. But Qandil said it was Kifaya that brought opposition forces together in the United National Front for Change prior to the poll. He said the front only won 12 seats because "it will take time and effort for the public to believe in its effectiveness."
Kifaya's leaders had promised a campaign of mass "civil disobedience" in an attempt to force an end to Mubarak's rule. They promised a series of rallies to mobilise public opinion and help bring about a strong opposition network capable of pressing the regime into modifying the constitution. Neither has materialised. That's not their fault, Salama said, because the "security harassment against the movement's followers sometimes uses uncivilised tactics." At the same time, he says, Kifaya has not yet become a political power; it has yet to become the conscience of the nation.
Kifaya has plans for the New Year, what Qandil calls an Intifada. "We will not form a political party, but we are planning to be an active movement that directly interacts with the public, offering solutions to their everyday life." Told that this plan of action sounds similar to the Muslim Brotherhood's, Qandil says, "the Brotherhood have their own agenda and tactics. We will provide people with alternatives that differ from both the NDP and them."
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