Coming together

What lessons can we draw from the controversy over the Alexandrian sectarian crisis? Gamal Nkrumah takes stock of what can be done

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Nothing comes to the wronged so easily as righteous anger. And, the Copts of Alexandria are angry. The official line is that a mentally deranged person, who happens to be a Muslim, travelled using public transport around the Mediterranean port city on Friday morning attacking the congregations of three separate Coptic churches. One Copt was killed as a result and scores injured. All hell broke loose as the aggrieved Copts sought justice and a redress to a long list of wrongs. There has arisen, therefore, a case in domestic policy and politics.

"Egypt is targeted," President Hosni Mubarak declared. "Throughout its long history, there has never been discrimination in Egypt between Muslim and Christian. No power, external or internal, is capable of shaking national unity," Mubarak stressed.

Mubarak warned against sectarian strife as opposition figures -- both Christian and Muslim -- agreed the government was not doing enough to heal the rift between the Christians and Muslims of Egypt.

"Our security and police forces are not properly trained," George Ishaq, general coordinator of the Egyptian Movement for Change (Kifaya), told Al-Ahram Weekly. "What happened in Alexandria is a security flop of gigantic proportions. And, it is an outrage. Poorly trained police are part of the problem. They are ill- equipped to ensure the safety of citizens and cannot cope with any crisis. They need proper professional training to handle such sensitive matters."

Christians in Alexandria urged government action to protect them and warned they will defend themselves by any means necessary. But do they really want to take their Muslim compatriots on? These are just the sort of things a determined, battling community might declare when the going gets rough.

Democracy and political liberalisation can be a messy thing, as many countries the world over which made the transition from authoritarianism, totalitarianism and dictatorship to democracy, can attest to. Egypt is no exception. As the country moves towards a more open democratic society, people inevitably become more outspoken and critical. They air their grievances more openly and articulate their aspirations clearer.

"We strongly condemn and abhor the attack of Christians because these wanton acts of violence are crimes," Essam El-Erian, senior member of the Muslim Brotherhood politburo, told the Weekly.

"The grievances of the Coptic community of Egypt is an integral part of the wider grievances of the people of this country," he said.

The country has acute problems getting its young people into work. Coptic youth are as frustrated as their Muslim compatriots. Muslims and Christians alike yearn for greener pastures overseas. Many desire nothing more than to immigrate and seek their fortunes abroad. The youth of the country are on low-paying, short- term contract jobs and they find it increasingly hard to move into steadier work.

Political apathy is always an unsettling sign. The fact that we now see political stirrings among the Coptic Christian community of Egypt is a good sign. El-Erian said the Christian is a fully-fledged citizen, just like his Muslim compatriot. "The problem is the absence of a developed and mature civil society," he explained. Today, many among the Coptic community and the Muslim Brotherhood advocate a radical overhaul of the entire political system.

"Isn't it ironic that Christians instinctively came to us for help because they distrusted the authorities?" El-Erian said. "MP Saber Abul- Fotouh was the first to arrive at the scene of the violence. He was there by 8.30pm. He represents the Bab Al-Sharq constituency, the site of one of the attacks. He was there on the spot before any other government official."

El-Erian also praised the mediatory efforts of another Muslim Brotherhood MP, Mustafa Mohamed, who represents Al-Montaza constituency.

"The security apparatus itself is riddled with factionalism, power struggles, ideological divisions and political rivalries," El-Erian warned. "There is a shadow cabinet within the Ministry of Interior and it is raring for political power. Small wonder, then, that they cannot cope effectively with this latest round of sectarian strife. They often catch a mentally deranged person and feign that he is the real culprit in order to cover up their incompetence."

El-Erian warned that the incompetence of the authorities, and especially that of the security apparatus, could easily end up deepening the divide between Copt and Muslim. "Indeed, that is where we are heading if we are not careful to avoid the pitfalls of the past. Complacency with an inept, defunct system is the gravest danger facing both the Christians and Muslims of this country."

The Copts of Alexandria are right to fear insecurity, but not necessarily the sort they are protesting against. The country's real dilemma is youth unemployment, a dearth of viable economic opportunity and social injustice on a grand scale. That is genuine insecurity.

Poor employment prospects and a general economic malaise are the real culprits -- not a madman. It will be vital, as financial pressures begin to bite on social services, that the government not shy away from tough decisions about the political integration of the Christians of this country.

Given this context, the latest outbreak of sectarian unrest in Alexandria is a testing moment for the nation. Questions of social justice and the political and economic empowerment of Copts must come to the fore. Political reform in the region can only come about by turning away from the politics of religious identity capitalised upon by unscrupulous politicians and foreign powers for their own dubious ends.

The sectarian violence in Alexandria drew attention to an often overlooked fact -- the Copts of Egypt do not exist in a vacuum. They are an integral part of the country. Whether the country descends into sectarian strife or struggles to its democratic feet is something over which civil society, including the religious establishments both Christian and Muslim, as well as the authorities, will have real influence over.

Mubarak stressed that Egypt and the volatile region surrounding the country should cross the threshold on which it now teeters, otherwise the social, political and economic ramifications will be grave indeed.

Whether first or among equals, what sort of role can the government of Egypt play in resolving the crisis? Plenty, all observers agree. Above all it must get its act together. They note the government must collaborate more closely with civil society.

Religious identity has largely replaced nationalist ideology. That leaves open the possibility that people in the country will increasingly come to identify themselves on a religious basis. Surely there is more to identity politics than religion.

"The sectarian rapprochement in Alexandria in the aftermath of the unfortunate events offers no argument for delay of radical action. There are serious problems that must be addressed immediately," El-Erian said.

The Coptic Church and overseas Copts must play a more reconciliatory role. The frequently inciting utterances of overseas Copts, in particular, have come into play, making it harder to bet with any confidence on a politically stable and economically prosperous future. Highlighting religious differences only exacerbates an already explosive situation.

The point, though, is that playing the religious card only creates more problems for the people of the country. This new emphasis on religious categorisation takes many forms, all of them dangerously divisive, as Mubarak noted. He pledged to listen more attentively to the demands of Copts.

There is, obviously, more to be done -- and not just by the government.