Al-Ahram Weekly Online   27 April - 3 May 2006
Issue No. 792
Editorial
 
Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875

Iraq unbound


Nothing good will emerge unless the leaders of all the different Iraqi ethnic and religious groups make a public show of solidarity and seriously put their minds to establishing a truly united and sovereign Iraqi state. To judge by the election at Saturday's parliamentary session of Iraqi President Jalal Al-Talabani, an ethnic Kurd, to a second term in office, one would be forgiven for thinking that there is a flicker of hope in the country's future. On the face of it, the fact that a majority of Iraqi parliamentarians voted for Talabani indicates that a majority of Iraqis approve of a more prominent role for Iraqi Kurds in national politics and for a greater Kurdish say in the Iraqi decision-making process.

The election of Prime Minister Jawad Al-Maliki, a Shia Arab, is also a good omen. The Speaker of the Iraqi Parliament Mahmoud A-Mashhasani, a Sunni Arab, and his deputies Khalid Al-Atiya -- a Shia -- and Aref Tayfour -- a Kurd -- is at face value encouraging. What, however, must be avoided at all costs is the "Lebanisation" of Iraq. Public figures in Iraq must not simply be defined by their ethnicity or religious conviction.

A truly vibrant Iraqi democracy must never descend into a battleground for the interplay of ethnic and religious identities. Public positions, too, cannot be closely identified with ethnicity or religious background. Otherwise, democracy will be contrived and meaningless. Worse, it will sooner or later degenerate into internecine confessional conflict.

The country is already teetering dangerously on the verge of civil war. Sectarian killings, which now occur on a weekly basis and with ominous regularity, can easily and if not checked turn into a full-scale confessional war.

The election of Al-Maliki as premier is important in more ways that one. Sentenced to death by Saddam Hussein for heading the Shia Daawa Party, Al-Maliki fled Iraq to live in exile in Syria. His past marks him out as a staunchly anti-dictatorship and pro-democracy man. Yet, he chose to live his political exile in the region -- in an Arab country neighbouring Iraq and not in the West. He has 30 days to form his government and he must choose his cabinet members wisely.

It is a most difficult task because he unfortunately has to take the ethnic and religious backgrounds of his cabinet members into account. However, that must not be at the expense of their professionalism and expertise. Cabinet ministers must be appointed because of their potential to deliver, and not because of their ethnicity or religion. Maliki must be careful in his choices of cabinet ministers if Iraq is to prosper and advance.

On coming to office, Al-Maliki declared that the various Iraqi militias must merge with the country's security forces. That is certainly not going to be an easy process. But, dealing with security issues will be a top priority for Al-Maliki's new government.

Tackling sectarian violence head on will be topping the new Iraqi prime minister's agenda. The different ethnic and religious communities of Iraq need to work more closely and amicably together. National reconciliation is the only way forward for Iraq.

Unfortunately, misgivings and mistrust reign supreme in the country today. There are many Sunni Arabs in Iraq who view the rise of Shia political power as a direct threat to their interests. Equally important to note is that the marginalisation of Sunni Arabs from the Iraqi political arena will only create more problems for the country and impede national integration. These are just a sample of the areas where better Sunni-Shia and Arab-Kurdish co-operation would be critical for the future of Iraq. the country has great potential. And, only peace, political stability and security can ensure a better future for the country.

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