'Viva corruption'

Corruption seems to be everywhere, not least on the pages of the press, writes Gamal Nkrumah

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"El-Fouli asked his helpers for pen and paper. Then he started to draw and for a few moments was so absorbed in his task that Haj Azzam thought that something was wrong. El-Fouli soon finished and, however, turned the piece of paper towards Azzam who thought that the drawing represented a large rabbit," wrote Alaa El-Aswani in his bestselling The Yacoubian Building.

"You want to guarantee your success in the elections, and you're asking what's needed. I've drawn you a picture of what's needed... in constituencies smaller than Qasr Al-Nil I take a million and a half, two million... there is not a candidate in Egypt who can win without our say-so, God willing," says Kamal El-Fouli, one of the novel's characters, and the centre of a web of political corruption and ill-gotten wealth.

The Yacoubian Building, now a popular film, brings to light the manner in which corruption has become endemic within Egyptian society. Government officials, the state security apparatus and the business community are all fingered in El-Aswani's novel, which uncannily reflects the stories of corruption that are now seeping out of the corridors of power and into the press via reports released by opposition groups such as Kifaya, the Egyptian Movement for Change.

The movement has spearheaded a campaign to uncover corruption cases. And now the ball seems to be well and truly rolling. Intellectuals, too, have joined the fray. At a Kifaya-sponsored seminar on corruption last week Abdel-Wahab El-Messeiri warned that corruption has become a political powder-keg. "There is a great need for transparency and those guilty of corruption must be severely punished."

Hani Anani, a physician-turned-businessman, and leading member of Kifaya, stresses that corruption is not restricted to the regime but is rife in the business community. Political corruption and business malpractice are inextricably linked. "Corruption in Egypt, neglected for years, is like a cancer that has now spread to every part of the body," says Anani.

"It is a way of life. Top officials and the lowliest paid government employees are all involved. It has turned into a kind of survival game. As a movement Kifaya has done its fair share of exposing corruption on a grand scale."

According to the Transparency International Perceptions Index, Egypt suffers from a corrupt political elite and unscrupulous businessmen. The Berlin-based organisation ranked Egypt 70 in its listing, i.e. as one of the most corrupt countries in the world.

Journalists demonstrating in front of the People's Assembly on Sunday brandished placards that sarcastically read "Viva Corruption: Down with the freedom of the press."

The popular independent daily Al-Masri Al-Yom has launched its own anti-corruption campaign with a series of daring articles, and in a recent editorial, "The contemptible rape the country", highlighted the links between Egypt's political and business elites.

"Opposition and press agitation against corruption is not an exhortation to rebel but a campaign to end a practice so pervasive that is ruining the country," Anani said.

Kifaya is planning a series of meetings and seminars to discuss various aspects of the phenomenon.

"The seminars and conferences are not intended to soothe officialdom but to rock the boat," Gamal Eid, Kifaya member and a lawyer, told Al-Ahram Weekly.

He singled out Ahmed Ezz, steel tycoon and a leading member of the National Democratic Party's (NDP) influential Policies Committee, and who is said to be bitterly opposed to any change in legislation governing the operation of the press. Ezz reportedly led a campaign to impose custodial sentences on journalists questioning the financial probity of public figures though the clause was dropped from the draft law following a public outcry. But pointing fingers at public figures is still considered libelous and punishable by imprisonment and/or a fine.

Some sectors of the economy are more corrupt than others, and the petroleum industry probably tops the list. Anani cites Abdel-Hadi Qandil, former minister of petroleum who heads several petroleum companies, and Hussein Salem, as examples of individuals who have held ministerial positions and then went on to monopolise the power sector.

"The power needed for the iron and steel industry is basically being subsidised by the government. It is no surprise that Ahmed Ezz, an iron and steel mogul, should be one of the most vociferous defenders of Article 303 of the newly passed law". No one, adds Anani, was ever penalised for corruption while holding office. "They are only prosecuted after they are kicked out of office."