Turkish quandary

The Turkish government wants to send troops to Lebanon but the public is sceptical, to say the least, writes Özlem Altan

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On 3 August, three well-known Turkish writers and four academics made public a declaration inspired by Emile Zola's celebrated challenge to the French republic, "J'Accuse". The declaration aimed to clarify who are the real perpetrators behind Middle East conflicts without succumbing to watered down discourses or absolving those whose silence contributes to perpetual regional tragedies.

With this as background, UN Secretary- General Kofi Annan arrived in Ankara to discuss with the Turkish government his hopes that Turkey, a secular but predominantly Muslim state on a friendly footing with Israel, agrees to send troops to support the multinational force being compiled and deployed in South Lebanon ostensibly in support of a shaky ceasefire. He faces problems, however. Lebanon's Armenian population strongly resists the prospect of Turkish involvement. Thus far, the Turkish government has said its support of the expanded UNIFIL force would only extend to naval operations. Following Annan's visit the issue will now go to parliament, where Turkish legislators will discuss sending a limited force of 1000 troops as part of the European contingent.

In recent years there has been a shift in the public opinion in Turkey against American intervention in the Middle East, reflected in opinion polls asking Turks about the American administration. In one such a poll conducted in 2003, 83 per cent of those who were surveyed expressed an unfavourable opinion of the United States, a sharp leap from the previous years' 55 per cent rating. Although the merit of such polls can always be disputed, it was an interesting turn in a country whose alignment to the American camp in recent history is well documented. Consequently, when the American invasion of Iraq began the Turkish parliament rejected a proposal to open its military bases for US use in its attacks on Iraq. Despite strong signs of disgruntlement within the American administration, the Turkish government had to stick to this decision because of staunch public support. After the recent war in Gaza and Lebanon began, 215 MPs from the 263-member Turkey-Israel Friendship Group resigned and joined a solidarity initiative with Lebanon.

Currently, there is a lot of pressure on the Turkish government by European countries, the United States, as well as Israel to send troops to Lebanon. A wing in the government as well as neocon consultants in their immediate proximity, and in the press, argue that deploying troops might enable Turkey to achieve the greater role in the "new map of the Middle East" for which they have been advocating. On the other hand, there is growing resistance by groups of NGO leaders, academics and writers who oppose the participation of Turkey in the UN force.

In the context of growing controversy, Foreign Minister Abdullah Gèl has been making trips to several countries in the region ahead of Turkey's parliamentary debate on the issue of troop deployments. Between foreign pressure to deploy and the need to justify deployment domestically, the government is fidgeting. In press releases, Gèl has been reiterating the idea that any authorised troop deployments would only be for "humanitarian" purposes and that the Turkish government would never allow Turkish soldiers to confront Hizbullah. Not everyone is reassured. One endorser of the 3 August writers and academics campaign wrote: "I am worried about the possibility of Turkish troops being sent to join UNIFIL in Lebanon. Israel wants a 'peace' force but without having to end its aggressions."