Invitation to civil war

By Salama A Salama

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In every hotspot in the Arab world, some of them on the verge of civil war and others already in the thick of it, foreign intervention is plain to see. This intervention is a debilitating factor in any Arab or national efforts to overcome internal differences and unite in the face of external dangers.

Current foreign pressure from Israel, America and Europe which is pushing Mahmoud Abbas to hold parliamentary and presidential elections to resolve the Palestinian domestic stalemate, is an open invitation to civil war that would furnish Israel's every excuse to reoccupy the Gaza Strip.

Regardless of the constitutionality or unconstitutionality of Abbas's decision to hold elections, and regardless of whether it can be implemented or will remain only a threat, the real question is: how can elections be held in the midst of such deep rifts dividing the Palestinian people? The responsibility for the rifts lies with all Palestinian leaders who derive their authority from outside Palestine.

What we are seeing now is that Abbas is being encouraged to walk it alone, relying on Fatah to form a government -- with Hamas or without it -- that recognises Israel and implements Olmert's demands to stop the resistance, disarm Palestinian factions, and return Israel's captured soldier. All of this, so that the siege can be lifted and negotiations with Israel can begin, according to Olmert's recent statements made for international consumption.

Negotiations for a national unity government failed because of disputes over the distribution of ministerial portfolios and the refusal to recognise the right of Palestinians to resist Israeli assaults, which have not ceased for one day. This failure is reflected in a power struggle between the presidential security apparatus under Abbas, recently armed and trained with American aid, and security forces under the Interior Ministry.

The rapid support for Abbas's decision expressed by Bush, Blair, Israel and the EU deepened the rift between Palestinians. The most dubious manoeuvre of all was Blair's visit to the region, with a green light from Washington, on pretext of jumpstarting the peace process, frozen by Washington, with Blair's help, for many years. His visit had no impact and resulted only in useless, well-worn statements.

The American-European intervention is parallel to a similar intervention in the Lebanese crisis, but in the opposite direction. There, the intervention supports the Seniora government, upholds the authority of international law, demands Syria desist intervening, and furnishes not an ounce of consideration for the efforts of Amr Moussa and the Arab League.

Syrian non-intervention is an allusion to rumours that Syria is playing a role in rearming and supporting Hizbullah, which is demanding the formation of a national unity government and parliamentary and presidential elections.

Oddly enough, support for democratically-elected government goes out the window in Palestine, where America, Israel and Europe are working to bring down the Hamas administration. The unifying objective behind these double standards is to eliminate Hizbullah in Lebanon and Hamas in Palestine, two forces that resist American influence and Israeli aggression.

In contrast, no one is demanding anything of Israel -- neither a suspension of the murder and rape of the West Bank and Gaza, nor the release of thousands of innocent Palestinian detainees and frozen Palestinian funds. Washington, which warns Syria of intervention in Lebanon, has not managed to prevent Israeli jets from daily trespassing on Lebanese airspace.

Just as foreign intervention has thwarted agreement between Abbas and Haniyeh, it has exacerbated the Lebanese crisis between Seniora and Hizbullah. Nevertheless, it should be said that the deterioration of Arab regimes, the bitter struggle over power and the fragility of democracy, have created this political vacuum, which invites foreign intervention.