Divide and rule

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With Ethiopian troops in Somalia backing the transitional government in its quarrel with the Islamic Courts, one has to conclude that foreign intervention in Arab affairs has become common. We have four cases of open foreign intervention to dwell upon: Iraq, Lebanon, Palestine and Somalia. Sudan might be next.

Some claim that foreign intervention has played a part in fuelling internal strife in some Arab countries. But let's first define intervention. One possible definition is that intervention is an extraordinary measure taken by one country to change the form of government in another. Intervention can be military, as in Iraq and Somalia. It can be political, as in Lebanon. Or it can be a combination of political, economic and military measures, as in Palestine.

In both Iraq and Somalia, foreign powers have interfered to bring down a regime or prevent a local group from taking power.

In Lebanon, the US and its allies exerted pressure to bring down the pro-Syrian government following the assassination of Rafiq Al-Hariri, and succeeded in doing so. Now, the US and its allies are standing by the government in its quarrel with its opponents. Meanwhile, it is said that Syria and Iran are prodding their allies in Lebanon to stir trouble. If true, this too must be considered a form of intervention.

Since Hamas took office in the occupied Palestinian territories, the US, UK and Israel have been up in arms, trying to undermine it and bolster the fortunes of President Abbas. Foreign military aid is being given to the Presidential Guard and unconfirmed reports suggest that the Badr Brigades, currently stationed in Jordan, could be sent to Palestine to shore up the president's power.

It is common that one state fabricates certain situations that enable it to intervene in another, as the Americans did when they claimed Iraq had mass destruction weapons. Admittedly, Iraq had its problems before the invasion, and the Kurdish situation already endangered its national unity. But the US intervention made things worse.

In Somalia, things have been quiet rough for over a decade. Torn by internal strife, the country has been hijacked by warlords, some of which allied with the US government. The Islamic Courts, during their brief hold on power, brought about a measure of law and order. Then, suddenly, someone remembered that a "transitional government" existed and needed help. It was Ethiopia that obliged and sent in its army.

In both Lebanon and Palestine, no one can deny the power struggle has a domestic aspect. But there is no denying that Hariri's assassination is still a mystery. Someone, as a certain German writer suggested, may have killed Hariri to generate the kind of chaos we see today.

In Palestine, two major factions -- Hamas and Fatah -- have a different approach to politics. This domestic problem hasn't been easy to resolve, but it became harder once the US, UK and Israel got involved.

The above examples show that foreign intervention feeds on domestic unrest. Intervention succeeds or fails depending on the course of domestic events. A foreign power trying to undermine a popular government is doomed to fail, whereas one trying to undermine an unpopular government would have every chance of succeeding.

The bottom line is that it is all up to us. If we stand together, it will be hard for outsiders to divide us. This is easier said than done, for domestic power struggles are common. But unity is worth a serious look, for the alternative is harsh.